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“A businesman friend who always rose early, left his home to buy goods and open his company by 7am.
'By the Mosque, it was crawling with government, security, Iraqi Army people.'
A little later the explosion happened.
'I had thought this was preparation for a routine visit by some official from Baghdad...'
The attack was expert.
The questions remain.
I called another eminent Iraqi academic, old friend.
Remembering Samarra, I said, my eyes kept welling.
How did an Iraqi feel?
Pause, then:
'We can cry no more. There are no tears left.'”
Man at al-Askari shrine in Samarra
>
The type of killing now connected to the death squads began around early 2005, on the hands of the Iraqi police commandos.
But some important points worth mentioning here: that the first Iraqi interim government was (elected) in January 2005 and was heavily Shiite (Jafari government), that around that time the talk of the Salvador option in Iraq was being heard, and that the police commandos were formed, mainly of Shiite militias, especially Badr (the armed branch of the Supreme Council of the Islamic Revolution in Iraq) and the Mahdi Army (the Sadr Movement militia).
But does all this mean that the death squads are Shiite militias within the interior ministry forces?
Unknown if US black operation personnel involved in set-up of the bombing
January 26, 2010
The answer is: NO, not exactly.
I know that any Iraqi who has seen a death squads' operation (which is becoming a familiar day light phenomenon) would want to shoot me in the head for this answer; because a convoy of heavily armed men, masked, black-suited, in expensive modern cars and pick ups, calling Sunnis the worst of names, shooting in the air, calling for revenge, attacking individuals, shops, kidnapping people, beating them to death or shoving them in cars trunks, would not look like anything other than a sectarian militia.
But this is only part of the story.
Throughout 2005, thousands of young Sunni men were arrested (officially) by the Iraqi police commandos (a major arrests operation in Baghdad was in May 2005, given the name of “Lightning”, when hundreds were arrested).
Weeks later, some of their bodies were found in different places of Baghdad, or Iraq, mainly to the east. The names of the Wolf Brigades, the Ra'ad (thunder), the Nimr (Tiger), the Karrar (Imam Ali), the Imam Hussien, the Scorpion; Al-Borkan (volcano)...became familiar names of police commandos brigades (Maghaweer).
They are supposed to be counterinsurgency, intelligence based troops.
They were created, trained, armed, and directed by the American intelligence officers who are well known for serving in central and South America where death squads were a major part of the political scene.
The Maghaweer were so brutal, that one of the prominent Iraqi personalities, who publicly denounce the occupation, told us that the American prisons are more merciful than the Iraqi.
Those detainees told stories of the kinds of torture they were exposed to in the Iraqi Interior Ministry prisons.
In many ways, they were similar to the traces seen on the bodies found in the garbage or the sewage daily in Baghdad nowadays, connected to the death squads.
Holes drilled in the head, feet, lungs...etc are trade marks (they were well-known in the Iranian prisons).
Broken bones, smashed sculls, burnt or pealed skin, savage beatings, electric shocks, pulled out right eye, are familiar in both cases.
      Name of Iraqi author withheld for security reasons      
      http://www.brusselstribunal.org/ArticlesIraq3.htm#call      
Abu Omar, an Iraqi engineer who spent 4 months of 2005 in Al-Nissoor and Al-Kadimiya notorious prisons, talked about pick ups leaving after midnight and coming back after few hours with tens of men, handcuffed and blindfolded.
Abu Omar was one of tens of prisoners who appeared on a famous TV program, produced by the Interior Ministry.
Badly tortured, those prisoners admit committing several acts of terrorism, but more important, publicly accusing well known Sunni scholars of immoral acts or of terrorism.
Unknown if US black operation personnel involved in set-up of the bombing
February 1, 2010
Interestingly enough, Abu Omar was released immediately after accusing on TV one of those scholar Sheikhs of using the mosque to hide weapons.
Abu Omar's file was filled with all kinds of fabricated crimes that would execute him a hundred times, according to his judge, who released him.
Later, especially after the Shiite coalition won the December 2005 elections, and after the Samarra Shrine explosion, the killings changed dramatically in number and in technique.
The last week of February and in March thousands of Sunnis were slaughtered by black-suited militias using the police cars and weapons.
Hundreds of mosques were burnt, thousands men, women and children were kidnapped, mainly in Baghdad suburbs and areas of mixed sectarian communities.
Crime gangs, some of them are again connected to the militias, were a big part of the whole chaos.
Ali, a young Sunni from Doura was kidnapped in May, the gang asked for $50.000 ransom.
Ali was one of the luckiest. He was released after his family managed to collect and pay $30.000. Ali told us how he was kidnapped, taken in a car trunk, driven for 1.30 hours in rural areas, and beaten.
He heard the gang calling some body telling him "we got a Sunni dog", they were talking in a southern slang.
It is well known that the Rashid ex-military barracks, the biggest in Iraq before the occupation, are now a shelter for criminal gangs.
Mohammad, another young man from al-Madain (south east of Baghdad) was kidnapped and hidden there.
He told us stories of kidnapped children and women kept by gangs there.
A university student girl was brought one morning, he said.
They called her the bitch, because she was not wearing the hijab.   She kept on screaming until late in the afternoon that day, when she was finally "silenced".
Unknown if US black operation personnel involved in set-up of the bombing that injured this woman
January 5, 2010
Other crimes were also connected to these groups, white and children slavery, drugs trade and smuggling, according to Iraqi Human Rights organizations.
While some kidnappings and killings are political, criminal or for sectarian revenge, many others were for obscure reasons.
Medical doctors, university professors, businessmen, merchants, school teachers were also targeted.
Hundreds of them are being assassinated.
Some of them were Baathists, but many others were not.
The big question remains why the government is not doing anything about it.
Actually, in Amara (south east of Iraq) and in Kut (east of Iraq) some armed men who were caught killing civilians and burning mosques were arrested by some police stations.
But the American troops and some political parties intervened and released them.
In Basra there was a big problem between the governor and the Shiite reference in Najaf because he accused the Shiite political parties in the Maliky government of sponsoring the assassinations and corruption (namely oil smuggling).
Al-Fadhila party spokesman (Shiite) accused the prime minister, Maliky, of imposing martial law for political, not security, reasons e.g. to marginalize and control the political forces who oppose the Shiite Coalition government policies and parties.
But the important fact here is: that the police commandos were mainly Shiite militias does not imply that they were always committing their brutal crimes for sectarian reasons.
That was why they were used to commit those crimes, simply to instigate sectarian civil war.
It was the American Governor of Iraq, Bremer, who engineered the Shiite militias to join the Iraqi security forces, according to article 91 of the Transitional Administrative Law (TAL) put by Bremer himself, to fight the (Sunni insurgency) by Iraqi hands.
Death Squads in Iraq are units inside the security forces, whose members are not just religiously fanatic sectarian militias, by foreign intelligence: American, Israeli, Iranian or any other country.
They are also Iraqis "educated" and trained outside Iraq, brought into Iraq before the occupation, and shortly after it.
Their job is to instigate sectarian conflict leading to create a (federal) Iraq, e.g. a divided Iraq.
      Name of Iraqi author withheld for security reasons      
      http://www.brusselstribunal.org/ArticlesIraq3.htm#call      
It is true that the hands are Iraqis, but the minds and the money are not.
It is also true that some political sectarian militias are involved in the death squads, especially those who are connected to the Iranian project in Iraq.
Unknown if US black operation personnel involved in set-up of the bombing
Jauary 26, 2010
But it is interesting to notice how the mainstream media, and the Iraqi government keep on nurturing the idea that the sectarian killings are done by the Sunni insurgency, what they call the rogue units in the police, and the Mahdi Army.
The other militias who are involved in the sectarian killings and violence are set aside.
But who are those Iraqis whose job is to instigate a civil war?
Why?
Many of us remember very well the few hundreds of military men who accompanied Chalabi (head of the National Congress party, well known for being the Pentagon man) into Iraq directly after the occupation.
They were highly trained outside Iraq, many say in an isolated island in the Pacific, by American, Israeli, and south African officers.
There are reports that some were trained in the Israel, Hungry and Poland.
Early after the occupation, there were few individual assassinations, mainly of Baathists, especially in Adhamiya, where the community still remembers a man called Mohammad Saddam.
He was responsible for the arrest and killing of many Iraqi resistance members and advocates.
There were some assassinations of Baathists and security individuals in Nassiriya too, where these troops were moved.
There was strong reaction against their activities.
The press talked then about the American authorities disarming the Chalabi militias.
They disappeared for a while.
But all the Iraqi families, whose houses were raided by the American troops, especially in 2003, remember masked men who speak Iraqi, accompanying the American troops in these raids.
They were called informers.
Maybe some were, but the way they quickly joined the occupation troops was curious.
A member of these forces (they were called the Forces of Iraq Freedom) recently sent out a sheet of facts exposing the rule they were playing in assassinating Shiites and Sunnis to create sectarian problems.
After explaining how they were brain washed and recruited, and trained before ( and some after) the occupation, he said that these forces were infiltrated in the New Iraqi Army, the National Guards, the Iraqi police, the Maghaweer (police commandos), the Interior Intelligence and the Iraqi Special Forces.
They are actually called the Iraqi Special Forces and their headquarters are in the Baghdad airport.
They are not connected to any Iraqi security body, and are supervised by American and Israeli officers.
      Name of Iraqi author withheld for security reasons      
      http://www.brusselstribunal.org/ArticlesIraq3.htm#call      
It is true that the hands are Iraqis, but the minds and the money are not.
This man, who promised to expose his identity once the death squad's leadership is arrested, said that they were attacking Sunnis "in uniforms, IDs, and police cars", and they were attacking Shiites "in cars normally used by the Mujahideen".
Unknown if US black operation personnel involved in set-up of the bombing that injured this woman
January 26, 2010
He gave an example of the biggest operation they did which was the Kadhimiya bridge stampede last summer, in which more one thousand were killed.
He gave a list of some members of these forces.
Among the 67 names he gave, only 14 were Arabs, the rest were Kurds, mainly from Barzani (president of Kurdistan's party).
Two were Jews, and one Iranian.
Nothing in this paper was news to us, may be some of the details, but to come from a member of the death squads talking about the dirty war they are waging in Iraq is very important at this point, when many Iraqis begin to believe that this is a sectarian war.
In some ways it is, and increasingly tribal too, especially after the Samara Shrine explosion, although in fact, there is a wide understanding that it was not the Salafists who did it, simply because Samara was under their control for months until last December, and they did not do it.
In fact, the Iranian intelligence, or their Iraqi allies are accused of bombing the Shrine, just to unleash the sectarian violence through retaliatory attacks, which is what is happening the last 4 months.
      Name of Iraqi author withheld for security reasons      
      http://www.brusselstribunal.org/ArticlesIraq3.htm#call      
uruknet.info
اوروكنت.إنفو
informazione dall'iraq occupato
information from occupied iraq
أخبار منالعراق المحتلة
A Call for Help from an Iraqi Woman
Lift the Siege of Al-Kmira
Sabah Ali, Brussells Tribunal
Unknown if explosions paid and setup by US government special black budget secret cell operations
January 28, 2010
19 October 2006
The following call for help was made by an Iraqi woman who lives in Al-Kmira village.
She is married and lives with her husband’s big family.
They left to work one morning almost a month ago and could not go back to her house in the besieged village yet.
They live now with friends in Baghdad, without their personal necessities or clothes.
Al-Kmira is a village of a few thousands of people in Al-Fahhamma groves north east of Baghdad, well known for its beautiful rural landscape and agricultural surroundings.
For the fourth week, the people of Kmira are under siege, they can not go out, or come in, no food, no provisions.
We do not know how they are, how they are fasting Ramadan.
The media is fasting too, in reporting on what the people of this village, which is part Al-Fahhamma, north east of Baghdad, are going through.
The American-Iraqi troops attacked the region of Al-Kmira after they put it under siege for a week.
The fighting with its community went on for two days.
Some of the people, who went out and then could not go back, said that the troops had bad casualties.
Others claimed that there were Iranians among the dead of the militias’ masses which participated in the attack against Al-Kmira.
Ms (Sh.T) who sent out the call by telephone without giving her name, cried for the help of people of conscience to lift the Kmira siege, to let food reach its people.
Life stopped, she said.
Those who left can not go back, those who are besieged in the village can not leave.
Employees and workers can not go to work.
Unknown if explosion paid and setup by US government special black budget secret cell operations
January 28
2010
The checkpoints, whether governmental or of the militias, prevent any food to go to the people, and they confiscated it when some tried to break the siege.
They told the people who tried to send some food in "Are you sending food to these dogs?"
Sh.T said that the community is protecting itself after the first attack failed.
American-Iraqi snipers lurk for the people, who are mainly from the Nidawat tribe, well known for their vehement attitude against the occupation.
Many of its men are arrested since the early days of the occupation.
There were many attempts to solve the problem through negotiations with prominent people in the tribe, when they finally agreed to negotiate, they were told to choose between utter destruction and totally leaving the region.
Militias representatives told them: Either us or you...The Iraqi troops (commandos of the Interior Ministry) put a military checkpoint at the region’s main entrance, opposite to the first gate of the Tourist Baghdad Island.
Few meters beyond this check point, there are many checkpoints of the militias of the political parties which are heavily represented in the government.
In the same way, checkpoints were put at the second exit of the besieged region leading to Bob Al-Sham and al-Husseiniya east of Baghdad.
Sh.T, confirmed that none of the government officials worry about the civilians or care for their conditions while they are under siege.
She called for lifting the siege and caring for the civilians and their security, especially that the Eid (feast) is approaching and these people spent the Ramadan fasting under siege.
Samarra: There Are No Tears Left
Travelling in Iraq during the regime of Saddam Hussein required permits to requested destinations and often wheedling, begging, boxes of baqlawa — a day's calorie intake in one mouth watering, sticky delicacy — and, when all else failed, tears.
Rebuilding
Requesting a detour en route to a planned destination would me met with refusal and stern: ' you have not the permit ...'
Except for Samarra.
Golden domes of the Askari shrine glinting in the sun
Travelling to and from northern Mosul, sighting the golden domes of the Askari shrine, glinting in the sun, thirty kilometres from the main road, the driver's face (whether Shi'a, Sunni, Christian) always lit at the request.
Permits forgotten, we would speed towards the great, golden spheres, growing ever, magnificently, shimmeringly larger, the closer approached.   Samarra is in Salahuddin Governorate, named for the warrior credited with driving the Crusaders from Eqypt, Palestine and Syria.
From 836 A.D. to 891 A.D., Samarra was Mesapotamia's Abbasid Capitol.
Though the city's prominece as first city was short, it's scientific, literary and artistic splendours,remain legendary in Arab history.  
The tenth and eleventh Imams, Ali al-Hadi and his son Hassan al-Askari are entombed under the golden dome.  
The twelfth Imam, Muhammed al-Mahdi, who Shi'a believe will return as the world's saviour, is believed born in Samarra.  
The spiral minaret (malwiya) a 'syntheis of Babylonian ziggurat and Islamic architecture', was described by British archeologist, Sir Mortimer Wheeler as having '...9th century qualities which bridge the centuries.  
The Malwiya is a truly great and rather lonely masterpiece ' of '.. startling originality.'   (Karen Dabrowska: Iraq, the Bradt Travel Guide)
US soldiers used it to snipe
US soldiers were unaware this haunting thousand year old structure was a great masterpiece and used it to snipe from, leading to it being irreperably damaged.  
Another gem of humanity's history which survived the Mongul hordes, but not GI Joe.
Samarra, with Khadimain, now absorbed into greater Baghdad and the ancient holy cities of Kerbala and Najav, are places of reverence and pilgrimage.  
Unknown if US black operation personnel were involved in the set-up of bombing
January 30, 2010
Najav where, for believers to be buried 'and lie one day near Imam Ali', cousin of the Prophet 'is worth seven hundred years of prayer' is to be rebuilt by those who brought the world Milton Keynes and a concrete cow.  
Samarra's golden beacons of faith and mosque dating back to the 9th century, have now been blown up.  
Predictably, western politicians have talked up their divide and rule ethos.  
Implication being a Shi'a place of reverance being attacked by aggrieved Sunnis.  
A predominately Sunni town treasures have been preserved for thousand years
Samarra, in fact is a predominately Sunni town and it's religious and archeological treasures have been safely preserved for a thousand years.  
Iraqis will say they have also lived together for nearly a thousand years and division is invasion's tool.
Accusations, claims, conspiracy theories predictably, came thick and fast.  
Iran's President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad cited the tragedy as:' .. acts of a group of defeated Zionists and occupiers, who intend to hit our emotions.'  
US forces aim to stoke differences which never existed
In the southern holy town of Qom, where many demonstrators cried openly, the Head of the Association of Seminary Instructors blamed US forces who : ' aim to stoke differences which never existed.'
Respected, influential Eqyptian Cleric and scholar, Sheikh Yusef Al Qardawi commented: 'No one benefits from such acts except the US occupation'.  
King Abdullah of Jordan cited a 'heinous' act, which Lebanese Prime Minister, Fouad Samioni said was aimed at : ' ..splitting Shiite and Sunni Moslems'.  
Lebanese Hizbolla blamed: 'US occupation and lurking Zionist enemy'; Kuwait's new leader, Emir Sabah Al Ahmed Sabah, stranded on the fence between the US military Crusaders based in his miniscule country and millions of enraged, insulted, grief stricken of the Muslim faith, hemming it in, barely rose to the occasion, saying such acts were ' ... not the teaching of Islam.'
Unknown if US black operation personnel were involved in the set-up of bombing
January 30, 2010
Grand Ayatollah Sistani, who recently reportedly refused an Iraqi passport in favour of his Iranian one, appeared, surreally, silently on television from his Najav base and Moqtada Al Sadr, dubbed 'firebrand' Shi'a cleric, cut short a visit to Lebanon, instructing his followers to fan across the country and help defend Sunni Mosques.
President Bush and Prime Minister Blair condemned the wickedness of those who attacked sacred sites (copy of decimation of holy sites by invasions bombs and bullets, 'our boys' US 'boys', follows to both) and in a gesture as crass and ignorant as anything aspired to in the last three years, offered to pay for the Shrine's 'rebuilding'.  
A thousand years of reverence, worship, pilgrimage, homage, intricate facade created in love at the last millenium's dawn, embelished, repaired, enhanced, through the ages cannot be replaced like a garden wall damaged by a heavy foot on the accelarator — and absolutely not, by the declared Crusader's shilling.  
'Qui bono?' who benefits
Insult heaped on searing injury.
So: 'Qui bono?' who benefits from this historical desecration? Journalist Mike Whitney quotes Leslie H. Gelb, Professor Emeritus on the (US) Council of Foreign Relations (New York Times, 25th November 2003) talking of the necessary break up of Iraq, in order to control region and oil.  
'Washington would have to be very hard headed to engineer this break up.  
But such a course is manageable — even necessary' to facillitate control.  
The ' ..only viable strategy may be to correct Iraq's historical defect (emphasis added) and move in stages to a three state solution :Kurdish North, Sunni centre and Shi'ite south.'
The Balkanisation of Iraq, separating communities, marriages, indivisable links, coexisting — with Christians too — for centuries.
At the time of the bombing the world's media was flooded with reports of the horror of the Islamic world (and indeed others) at the cartoons lampooning Islam's Prophet as a terrorist and subjugator of women, the countless new pictures of Abu Ghraib's horrors, published by Salon.com and Al Rai, of the beating of kids, the embargoe's and then the UK invaders victims in Basra, the Human Rights First Report on Guantanamo Bay's horrors.  
They disappeared from the headlines.  
Crawling with government, security, Iraqi Army people
A knowledgeable friend of this publication told of early morning, the dawn the Shrine was bombed.  
A businesman friend who always rose early, left his home to buy goods and open his company by 7am.
'By the Mosque,it was crawling with government, security, Iraqi Army people.'   A little later the explosion happened.  
'I had thought this was preparation for a routine visit by some official from Baghdad ... ' The attack was expert.
The questions remain.  
I called another eminent Iraqi academic, old friend.  
Remembering Samarra, I said, my eyes kept welling.  
How did an Iraqi feel?   Pause, then:  'We can cry no more.  
There are no tears left.'
      Felicity Arbuthnot      February 26, 2006       www.commondreams.org

A UN human rights report released September last year held interior ministry forces responsible for an organised campaign of detentions, torture and killings.
It reported that special police commando units accused of carrying out the killings were recruited from Shia Badr and Mehdi militias, and trained by U.S. forces.
Retired Col. James Steele, who served as advisor on Iraqi security forces to then U.S. Ambassador John Negroponte supervised the training of these forces.
Steele was commander of the U.S. military advisor group in El Salvador 1984-86, while Negroponte was U.S. ambassador to nearby Honduras 1981-85.
Negroponte was accused of widespread human rights violations by the Honduras Commission on Human Rights in 1994.
The Commission reported the torture and disappearance of at least 184 political workers.
The violations Negroponte oversaw in Honduras were carried out by operatives trained by the CIA, according to a CIA working group set up in 1996 to look into the U.S. role in Honduras.
The CIA records document that his "special intelligence units," better known as "death squads," comprised CIA-trained Honduran armed units which kidnapped, tortured and killed thousands of people suspected of supporting leftist guerrillas.
      Ali Al-Fadhily and Dahr Jamail      
      October 19, 2006 IPS — Inter Press Service      
U.S. judge throws out case against Blackwater, now renamed Xe, security guards accused in killings and injuring
Posted on Mon, Dec. 12, 2005
Iran gaining influence, power in Iraq through militia
By Tom Lasseter
Knight Ridder Newspapers
BAGHDAD, Iraq — The Iranian-backed militia the Badr Organization has taken over many of the Iraqi Interior Ministry's intelligence activities and infiltrated its elite commando units, U.S. and Iraqi officials said.
That's enabled the Shiite Muslim militia to use Interior Ministry vehicles and equipment — much of it bought with American money — to carry out revenge attacks against the minority Sunni Muslims, who persecuted the Shiites under Sunni dictator Saddam Hussein, current and former Ministry of Interior employees told Knight Ridder.
Badr
The officials, some of whom agreed to speak only on the condition of anonymity for fear of violent reprisals, said the Interior Ministry had become what amounted to an Iranian fifth column inside the U.S.-backed Iraqi government, running death squads and operating a network of secret prisons.
The militia's secret activities threaten to derail U.S.-backed efforts to persuade Sunnis to abandon the violent insurgency and join Shiites and Kurds in Iraq's fledgling political process.
And by supporting Badr and other Shiite groups, Iran — a member of President Bush's "axis of evil" that sponsors international terrorism, is thought to be seeking nuclear weapons and calls for the destruction of Israel — has used the American-led invasion to gain influence in Iraq.
"They're putting millions of dollars into the south to influence the elections ... it's funded primarily through their charity organizations and also Badr and some of these political parties," said Gen. George W. Casey, the top U.S. general in Iraq.
"A lot of their guys (Badr) are going into the police and military."
Unknown if US black operation personnel were involved in the set-up of bombing
al-baiyaa
January 2, 2010
Current and former ministry officials said the American military hadn't interfered with Badr's infiltration of the ministry, either because U.S. officials weren't fully aware of what was happening or because they didn't want to risk arresting militia leaders who had powerful political positions and tens of thousands of followers.
Interior Ministry and Badr officials have denied any involvement in the prisons or death squads, but Gen. Muntadhar Muhi al-Samaraee, a former head of special forces at the Interior Ministry, said the prisons were run by Badr operatives.  
"All prisons in the south and most of those in Baghdad are run by the Badr militia," al-Samaraee, a Sunni, said in an interview in Amman, Jordan.   Al-Samaraee said he left the country for medical treatment and decided not to return because of death threats.   He's denied Interior Ministry accusations that he fled to Jordan after stealing a car.
Allawi receives money from America
Badr's leader, Hadi al-Amari, has denied maintaining ties to Iran, but in a fit of anger during a recent interview with Knight Ridder he admitted as much while striking out against U.S.-backed secular Shiite politician Ayad Allawi.
"Allawi receives money from America, from the CIA, but nobody talks about that.   All they talk about is our funding from Iran," he said, raising his voice.   "We are funded by some (Persian) Gulf countries and the Islamic Republic of Iran.   We don't hide it."
Badr was formed and trained in Iran in cooperation with the Iranian government, and its members staged raids into Iraq during the war between the neighboring countries in the 1980s.
"The Americans use the Interior Ministry commandos as tools to fight the insurgency.   They know what Badr is doing and they don't care," charged Omar al-Jabouri, a top official with the Iraqi Islamic Party, an influential Sunni group.   "The interests of the Americans are the same as Badr."
Interior Ministry's intelligence units
Sunni groups, including the Iraqi Islamic Party and the Muslim Scholars Association, have cataloged hundreds of instances this year in which men wearing Interior Ministry uniforms arrived in Sunni neighborhoods at night and took men who later were found dead.
Last Thursday, a raid on a detention center near the Interior Ministry building found 13 men who apparently had been tortured and needed medical treatment.
Unknown if US black operation personnel were involved in the set-up of bombing
Ramadi
December 30, 2009
Last month, 169 men, most of them Sunnis, were found in an Interior Ministry bunker in Baghdad's Jadriyah neighborhood.
Many of them had been beaten with leather belts and steel rods and made to sit in their own excrement, according to a U.S. military official and an Iraqi who was held at the center.
Police officers with knowledge of the jail said Badr ran it.
A Human Rights Ministry official who spoke only on the condition of anonymity said both places were home to clandestine operations run by the Interior Ministry's intelligence units.
So many secret centers we know nothing about
"We monitor the prisons, but there are so many secret centers that we know nothing about," the official said.
A senior U.S. military official in Baghdad, speaking on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the subject, acknowledged that the torture at the Jadriyah site was carried out by a rogue Interior Ministry intelligence group.
"It's not clear this was an official MOI (Ministry of Interior) organization," the official said.   "If you look at the MOI organizational charts, you will not find the Jadriyah bunker."
After Iraq's national elections last January, the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq, a political party that's tied to Badr, took power and installed an official with strong ties to Badr, Bayan Jabr, as the head of the Interior Ministry.
The ministry's ranks, particularly intelligence and commando units, were quickly stocked with Badr militia members, according to interviews with current and former ministry officials.
"Everybody says you have a Badr guy in the MOI.   Well ... he was elected," said the senior U.S. military official in Baghdad.   "And they say he's appointed a bunch of Badr guys.
We have a Republican administration in America, and guess what? They've appointed a lot of Republicans.   You elected SCIRI, and SCIRI is Badr."
Unknown if US black operation personnel were involved in the set-up of bombing
Mosul
January 4 2010
The American officer said it would be up to the Iraqi government to deal with the Badr organization and other militias.
White Toyota Land Cruisers carrying Glock pistols
Sunni leaders say the Shiite-controlled government will never police Shiite militias.
There also have been allegations that the militia that's loyal to radical Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, who also has Iranian support, is responsible for some of the killings.   Many of the details of the incidents, however, point more to Badr.
For instance, the killers often are reported as traveling in white Toyota Land Cruisers and carrying Glock pistols.
Both are common at the Badr headquarters in Baghdad, but not with al-Sadr's Mahdi Army fighters, most of whom are poor and travel in beat-up vans and cars.
Asked who was behind the rounding up and killing of Sunnis, Casey said, "I don't know that it's the quote Badr corps that's doing it or the ... Mahdi (Army) that's doing it, but I have no doubt that people who are associated with those groups are involved."
Although militias are illegal under Iraqi law, Badr has flourished as U.S. forces have declined to crack down.
"It's not infiltration.   They're upfront about it (their militia affiliation) and day to day things are OK, but then there's a crisis," Casey said.   "What you see happening is that people are ... signing up (for the security forces) but their loyalties lie more to a militia leader than a chief of police."
A document obtained by Knight Ridder appears to reveal the existence of an Interior Ministry death squad.
Bodies of 14 men found in the town of Badrah
A memo written by an Iraqi general in the ministry operations room and addressed to the minister's office says on its subject line: "Names of detainees."
It lists 14 men who were taken from Iskan, a Sunni neighborhood in western Baghdad, during the early morning hours of Aug. 18.   It also marks the time of their detention: 5:15 a.m.
The bodies of the same 14 men were found in the town of Badrah near the Iranian border in early October.
Hussein Sayhoud, a doctor at Baghdad's main morgue who examined the bodies and signed one of the death certificates, said that most of the men had been killed by single gunshots to their heads.
"I remember when they brought in the whole group," Sayhoud said.   "They were so badly decomposed we couldn't identify any marks of torture."
The general who signed the Interior Ministry memo, Brig. Gen. Abdul Kareem Khalaf, confirmed its authenticity.
But despite a heading that reads "Names of the detainees in the Iskan District," Khalaf maintained that insurgents, not Interior Ministry police, had abducted the men.
'Camp-victory' style Orwell
January 1, 2010
It's unclear, however, why an Interior Ministry general would refer to men who'd been kidnapped by Sunni insurgents as "detainees" in an official government document, or how the general knew the exact time of the abduction.
How such a document slipped out of the ministry
Pressed for more details, Khalaf said: "The minister is very upset.   He wants to know how such a document slipped out of the ministry."
Col. Joseph DiSalvo, who commands a brigade of the U.S. Army's 3rd Infantry Division in eastern Baghdad, where there's a heavy Shiite militia presence, said it would be all but impossible for the American military to defeat the militias.
The largest neighborhood in DiSalvo's area of operations is Sadr City, home to 2.5 million to 3 million people.
It was the site of fierce clashes last year between al-Sadr's militia and U.S. forces.
"Sadr City is probably our most secure zone because of the de facto militia presence ... the Mahdi militias doing their neighborhood patrols," DiSalvo said.   "And you also have Badr patrols where you have SCIRI enclaves."
There've been reports of several instances in DiSalvo's area of Sunni men being rounded up by vehicles with Interior Ministry markings, then found murdered.
"The coalition forces cannot enforce it (the law forbidding militias).   We cannot negate the militias.   It would be like having a 2 million-man tribe, and all of a sudden saying, `Tribe, you do not exist,'" DiSalvo said.   "You'd have to have more manpower than is feasible."
Knight Ridder Newspapers correspondent Leila Fadel of the Fort Worth Star-Telegram contributed to this report from Baghdad, as did Iraqi special correspondents in Baghdad and Jordan who can't be named for security reasons.
Copyright Knight Ridder
Iraqi voices are drowned out in a blizzard of occupiers' spin
The deception that launched the invasion of Iraq now increasingly shapes media coverage of the occupation
Sami Ramadani
Wednesday February 8, 2006
The Guardian
Three years after invading Iraq, George Bush and Tony Blair are still dipping into the trough of deception and disinformation that launched the war: hailing non-existent progress, declaring sanctimonious satisfaction with sectarian elections and holding out the mirage of early withdrawal.  
In reality, the occupation and divide-and-rule tactics have spawned death squads, torture, kidnappings, chemical attacks, polluted water, depleted uranium, bombardment of civilians, probably more than 100,000 people dead and a relentless deterioration in Iraqis' daily lives.
Much of this goes unreported in the British and American media, stripped of context or consigned to the small print.  
The headlines are reserved for Abu Musab al-Zarqawi's terrorism, Saddam Hussein's farcical trial and the perennial "exit strategy".  
We are fed the occupiers' spin, while words of scepticism are deemed jarring.  
Unknown if US black operation personnel were involved in set-up of bombings
Najaf
January 26 2010
Invited to join a popular BBC radio programme for Iraq's recent elections, I quoted George Bush's accidental brush with reality when he declared: "You can't have free and fair elections in Lebanon under Syrian occupation."   An editor politely said: "Sorry Sami, but we are sticking to a positive spin on this one.  
I am sure we will invite you on other occasions."
A few days ago, a large-scale opinion poll conducted by Maryland University showed that 87% of Iraqis (including 64% of Kurds) endorsed a demand for a timetabled withdrawal of the occupiers.  
The findings were mostly ignored by the British media.
Admittedly, reports on the ground are difficult and dangerous.  
But while western media are not averse to revealing deceptions around the WMD scare and pre-war lies, occupier-generated news still takes pride of place, and anti-occupation Iraqi voices of all sects - particularly Shia clergy such as Ayatollahs Hassani, Baghdadi and Khalisi - are ignored.
A few months before US soldiers boasted of using white phosphorus, the BBC's Paul Wood defended his reporting from Falluja in the November 2004 siege, telling Medialens: "I repeat the point made by my editors, over weeks of total access to the military operation, at all levels: we did not see banned weapons being used ... or even discussed.  
We cannot therefore report their use."   Doctors and refugees fleeing US bombardment talked of "chemical attacks" and people "melting to death".  
But for the BBC, eyewitness testimony from Iraqis is way down the pecking order of objectivity.
It would clearly be wrong to portray victims' claims as uncontested facts, but there is a duty to publish and investigate them.  
Had, for example, Iraqi families' claims been highlighted shortly after the occupation began, the world would not have waited over a year to learn of torture at US-run jails.  
It was not until US soldiers gleefully circulated sickening pictures of tortured Iraqis that the media paid attention.
Many Iraqis have persistently accused US-led forces of "controlling" an assortment of death squads or private militias and "turning a blind eye" to many terrorist attacks.  
Almost every week, handcuffed and blindfolded men are found lying next to one another, each killed by a single bullet to the head.  
Who is methodically torturing and killing these people? Who has so far assassinated more than 200 academics and scientists? Iraqis not linked to the Green Zone regime are convinced that US forces and US-backed mercenaries are involved.
Support for some Iraqi claims, however, comes from unexpected sources: two US generals have admitted the presence of targeted killing squads, and last February the Wall Street Journal let slip the presence of six US-trained secret militias.  
In the same month, Lt General William Boykin, the deputy undersecretary of defence for intelligence, told the New York Times: "I think we're doing what the Phoenix programme was designed to do, without all the secrecy."   US death squads assassinated about 40,000 people in Vietnam before Congress halted "Operation Phoenix".
A retired general, Wayne Downing, the former head of special operations forces, affirmed that US-led killing squads started operating immediately after the March 2003 invasion.  
He told a bemused NBC interviewer: "Katie, it's a nasty situation in Iraq right now, and this may help it get better."
But the occupiers' "Sunni v Shia" mantra dictates the agenda and clouds the issues.  
The daily news intake is moulded by senior occupation forces' PR officers and embassy officials camped in the Green Zone — once Saddam's fortress, now a vast monstrosity housing the occupation authorities and their competing and corrupt Iraqi proteges of all sects.
The lie of WMD embroiled Britain in an immoral, illegal war.  
Disinformation about the war is the pretext for keeping troops and bases in Iraq.  
Cosmetic sovereignty and partial withdrawal will not convince Iraqis witnessing the completion of permanent US bases, and US advisers controlling "sovereign" ministries and planning back-door oil privatisation.
Only complete withdrawal will satisfy most Iraqis.  
And if genuine liberty and independence are not forthcoming, the spiral of violence will intensify from Afghanistan to Palestine.
· Sami Ramadani was a political exile from Saddam's regime and is a senior lecturer at London Metropolitan University
Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2006
Who seized Simona Torretta?
This Iraqi kidnapping has the mark of an undercover police operation
Naomi Klein and Jeremy Scahill
Thursday September 16, 2004
When Simona Torretta returned to Baghdad in March 2003, in the midst of the "shock and awe" aerial bombardment, her Iraqi friends greeted her by telling her she was nuts.   "They were just so surprised to see me.   They said, 'Why are you coming here?   Go back to Italy.   Are you crazy?'"
But Torretta didn't go back.   She stayed throughout the invasion, continuing the humanitarian work she began in 1996, when she first visited Iraq with her anti-sanctions NGO, A Bridge to Baghdad.   When Baghdad fell, Torretta again opted to stay, this time to bring medicine and water to Iraqis suffering under occupation.   Even after resistance fighters began targeting foreigners, and most foreign journalists and aid workers fled, Torretta again returned.   "I cannot stay in Italy," the 29-year-old told a documentary film-maker.
Peaceniks naive, blithely supporting resistance that kidnaps and beheads
Today, Torretta's life is in danger, along with the lives of her fellow Italian aid worker Simona Pari, and their Iraqi colleagues Raad Ali Abdul Azziz and Mahnouz Bassam.   Eight days ago, the four were snatched at gunpoint from their home/office in Baghdad and have not been heard from since.   In the absence of direct communication from their abductors, political controversy swirls round the incident.   Proponents of the war are using it to paint peaceniks as naive, blithely supporting a resistance that answers international solidarity with kidnappings and beheadings.   Meanwhile, a growing number of Islamic leaders are hinting that the raid on A Bridge to Baghdad was not the work of mujahideen, but of foreign intelligence agencies out to discredit the resistance.
Nothing about this kidnapping fits the pattern of other abductions.   Most are opportunistic attacks on treacherous stretches of road.   Torretta and her colleagues were coldly hunted down in their home.   And while mujahideen in Iraq scrupulously hide their identities, making sure to wrap their faces in scarves, these kidnappers were bare-faced and clean-shaven, some in business suits.   One assailant was addressed by the others as "sir".
Sir
Kidnap victims have overwhelmingly been men, yet three of these four are women.   Witnesses say the gunmen questioned staff in the building until the Simonas were identified by name, and that Mahnouz Bassam, an Iraqi woman, was dragged screaming by her headscarf, a shocking religious transgression for an attack supposedly carried out in the name of Islam.
Najaf
January 26
2010
Most extraordinary was the size of the operation: rather than the usual three or four fighters, 20 armed men pulled up to the house in broad daylight, seemingly unconcerned about being caught.   Only blocks from the heavily patrolled Green Zone, the whole operation went off with no interference from Iraqi police or US military — although Newsweek reported that "about 15 minutes afterwards, an American Humvee convoy passed hardly a block away".
And then there were the weapons.   The attackers were armed with AK-47s, shotguns, pistols with silencers and stun guns — hardly the mujahideen's standard-issue rusty Kalashnikovs.   Strangest of all is this detail: witnesses said that several attackers wore Iraqi National Guard uniforms and identified themselves as working for Ayad Allawi, the interim prime minister.
Ayad Allawi
An Iraqi government spokesperson denied that Allawi's office was involved.   But Sabah Kadhim, a spokesperson for the interior ministry, conceded that the kidnappers "were wearing military uniforms and flak jackets".   So was this a kidnapping by the resistance or a covert police operation?   Or was it something worse: a revival of Saddam's mukhabarat disappearances, when agents would arrest enemies of the regime, never to be heard from again?   Who could have pulled off such a coordinated operation — and who stands to benefit from an attack on this anti-war NGO?
On Monday, the Italian press began reporting on one possible answer.   Sheikh Abdul Salam al-Kubaisi, from Iraq's leading Sunni cleric organisation, told reporters in Baghdad that he received a visit from Torretta and Pari the day before the kidnap.   "They were scared," the cleric said.   "They told me that someone threatened them."   Asked who was behind the threats, al-Kubaisi replied: "We suspect some foreign intelligence."
Blaming unpopular resistance attacks on CIA or Mossad conspiracies is idle chatter in Baghdad, but coming from Kubaisi, the claim carries unusual weight; he has ties with a range of resistance groups and has brokered the release of several hostages.   Kubaisi's allegations have been widely reported in Arab media, as well as in Italy, but have been absent from the English-language press.
Largest CIA station since Vietnam war
Western journalists are loath to talk about spies for fear of being labelled conspiracy theorists.   But spies and covert operations are not a conspiracy in Iraq; they are a daily reality.   According to CIA deputy director James L Pavitt, "Baghdad is home to the largest CIA station since the Vietnam war", with 500 to 600 agents on the ground.   Allawi himself is a lifelong spook who has worked with MI6, the CIA and the mukhabarat, specialising in removing enemies of the regime.
A Bridge to Baghdad has been unapologetic in its opposition to the occupation regime.   During the siege of Falluja in April, it coordinated risky humanitarian missions.   US forces had sealed the road to Falluja and banished the press as they prepared to punish the entire city for the gruesome killings of four Blackwater mercenaries.   In August, when US marines laid siege to Najaf, A Bridge to Baghdad again went where the occupation forces wanted no witnesses.   And the day before their kidnapping, Torretta and Pari told Kubaisi that they were planning yet another high-risk mission to Falluja.
In the eight days since their abduction, pleas for their release have crossed all geographical, religious and cultural lines.   The Palestinian group Islamic Jihad, Hizbullah, the International Association of Islamic Scholars and several Iraqi resistance groups have all voiced outrage.   A resistance group in Falluja said the kidnap suggests collaboration with foreign forces.   Yet some voices are conspicuous by their absence: the White House and the office of Allawi.   Neither has said a word.
What we do know is this: if this hostage-taking ends in bloodshed, Washington, Rome and their Iraqi surrogates will be quick to use the tragedy to justify the brutal occupation — an occupation that Simona Torretta, Simona Pari, Raad Ali Abdul Azziz and Mahnouz Bassam risked their lives to oppose.   And we will be left wondering whether that was the plan all along.
· Jeremy Scahill is a reporter for the independent US radio/TV show Democracy Now; Naomi Klein is the author of No Logo and Fences and Windows
Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2005
Arts & Ideas / Global Eye
Friday, December 2, 2005. Issue 3308. Page 112.
Atrocities attributed to "rogue" Shiite and Sunni militias —
trained by Americans, "advised" by Americans, run largely by former CIA assets
By Chris Floyd

The recent revelations about the virulent spread of death squads ravaging Iraq have only confirmed for many people the lethal incompetence of the Bush Regime, whose brutal bungling appears to have unleashed the demon of sectarian strife in the conquered land.
The general reaction, even among some war supporters, has been bitter derision: "Jeez, these bozos couldn't boil an egg without causing collateral damage."
But what if the truth is even more sinister?   What if this murderous chaos is not the fruit of rank incompetence but instead the desired product of carefully crafted, efficiently managed White House policy?
Investigative journalist Max Fuller marshals a convincing case for this conclusion in a remarkable work of synthesis based on information buried in reams of mainstream news stories and public Pentagon documents.
Piling fact on damning fact, he shows that the vast majority of atrocities attributed to "rogue" Shiite and Sunni militias are in fact the work of government-controlled commandos and "special forces," trained by Americans, "advised" by Americans and run largely by former CIA assets, Global Research reports.
Saddam's security muscle
We first reported here in August 2003 that the United States was already hiring Saddam's security muscle for "special ops" against the nascent insurgency and reopening his torture haven, Abu Ghraib.
Meanwhile, powerful Shiite militias — including religious extremists armed and trained by Iran — were loosed upon the land.
As direct "Coalition" rule gave way to various "interim" and "elected" Iraqi governments, these violent gangs were formally incorporated into the Iraqi Interior Ministry, where the supposedly inimical Sunni and Shiite units often share officers and divvy up territories.
Bush helpfully supplied these savage gangs
Bush helpfully supplied these savage gangs — who are killing dozens of people each week, Knight-Ridder reports — with U.S. advisers who made their "counter-insurgency" bones forming right-wing death squads in Colombia and El Salvador.
Indeed, Bush insiders have openly bragged of "riding with the bad boys" and exercising the "Salvador option," lauding the Reagan-backed counter-insurgency program that slaughtered tens of thousands of civilians, Newsweek reports.
Bush has also provided a "state-of-the-art command, control and communications center" to coordinate the operation of his Iraqi "commandos," as the Pentagon's own news site, DefendAmerica, reports.
The Iraqi people can go without electricity, fuel and medicine, but by God, Bush's "bad boys" will roll in clover as they carry out their murders and mutilations.
Packing high-priced Glocks
For months, stories from the Shiite south and Sunni center have reported the same phenomenon: people being summarily seized by large groups of armed men wearing police commando uniforms, packing high-priced Glocks, using sophisticated radios and driving Toyota Land Cruisers with police markings.
The captives are taken off and never seen again — unless they turn up with a load of other corpses days or weeks later, bearing marks of the gruesome tortures they suffered before the ritual shot in the head.
Needless to say, these mass murders under police aegis are rarely investigated by the police.
Milking Iraq dry — into hands of a few Bush cronies,
The Bushists may have been forced to ditch their idiotic fantasies of "cakewalking" into a compliant satrapy, but they have by no means abandoned their chief goals in the war: milking Iraq dry and planting a permanent military "footprint" on the nation's neck.
If direct control through a plausible puppet is no longer possible, then fomenting bloody chaos and sectarian strife is the best way to weaken the state.
The Bushists are happy to make common cause with thugs and zealots in order to prevent the establishment of a strong national government that might balk at the ongoing "privatizations" that have continued apace behind the smokescreen of violence, or at the planned opening of Iraq's oil reserves to select foreign investors — a potential transfer of some $200 billion of Iraqi people's wealth into the hands of a few Bush cronies, The Independent reports.
The violence is already dividing the county into more rigid sectarian enclaves, The New York Times reports, as Shiites flee Sunni commandos and Sunnis flee Shiite militias in the grim tag team of their joint endeavor.
Terrorized, internally driven society much easier to manipulate
It's all grist for the Bushist mill: An atomized, terrorized, internally driven society is much easier to manipulate.
And of course, a steady stream of bloodshed provides a justification for maintaining a U.S. military presence, even as politic plans for partial "withdrawal" are bandied about.
There's nothing new in this; Bush is simply following a well-thumbed playbook.
In 1953, the CIA bankrolled Islamic fundamentalists and secular goon squads to destabilize the democratic government of Iran — which selfishly wanted to control its own oil — and pave the way for the puppet Shah, as the agency's own histories recount.
In 1971, CIA officials admitted carrying out more than 21,000 "extra-judicial killings" in its Phoenix counter-insurgency operation in Vietnam.
In 1979, the CIA began sponsoring the most violent Islamic extremist groups in Afghanistan — supplying money, arms, even jihad primers for schoolchildren — to destabilize the secular, Soviet-allied government and provoke the Kremlin into a costly intervention, as Robert Dreyfus details in his new book, "Devil's Game."
Later, Saudi magnate Osama bin Laden joined the operation, and sent his men to the United States for "anti-Soviet" terrorist training, as the BBC's Greg Palast reports.
Remarkably consistent for more than half a century
The policy has been remarkably consistent for more than half a century.
To augment the wealth and power of the elite, U.S. leaders have supported — or created — vicious gangs of killers and cranks to foment unrest, eliminate opponents and terrorize whole nations into submission.
The resulting carnage in the target countries and the inevitable blowback against ordinary Americans mean nothing to these Great Gamesters; that's simply the price of doing business.
Bush's "incompetence" is just a mask for stone-cold calculation.
Annotations
Crying Wolf: Media Disinformation and Death Squads in Occupied Iraq
Global Research, Nov. 10, 2005
Frontline Police of Iraq are Waging Secret War of Vengeance
The Observer, Nov. 20, 2005
Devil's Game: How the United States Helped Unleash Fundamentalist Islam
Metropolitan Books, 2005
Killings Linked to Shiite Squads in Iraqi Police Force
Los Angeles Times, Nov. 29, 2005
The Salvador Option
Newsweek, Jan. 14, 2005
Die Laughing: The Bush Way of Rehabilitation
Empire Burlesque, Aug. 29, 2003
Iraqi Guards Seen as Death Squads
Newsday, Nov. 15, 2005
Sunnis Accuse Iraqi Military of Kidnappings and Slayings
New York Times, Nov. 28, 2005
Sunni men in Baghdad targeted by attackers in police uniforms
Knight-Ridder, June 27. 2005
Abuse of Prisoners in Iraq Widespread, Officials Say
Knight-Ridder, Nov. 29, 2005
Robert Dreyfus on Bush's Deadly Dance With Islamic Theocrats
TomDispatch, Nov. 30, 2005
A History of Violence: Robert Dreyfuss Interview
Salon.com, Nov. 28, 2005
Documents From the Phoenix Program
The Memory Hole, May 2003
Secrets of History: The CIA in Iran
New York Times, April 16, 2000
The Hidden History of CIA Torture
TomDispatch.com, Sept. 9, 2004
The World's Most Dangerous Man
Antiwar.com, Nov. 30, 2005
Abuse Worse Than Under Saddam, Says Iraqi Leader
The Observer, Nov. 27, 2005
Revealed: The Grim New World of Iraqi Torture Camps
The Observer, July 3, 2005
Lost Amid the Rising Tide of Detainees in Iraq
New York Times, Nov. 21, 2005
Did the President spike the investigation of bin Laden?
Greg Palast, Nth Position, March 2003
If the CIA Had Butted Out [In Iran]
Los Angeles Times, Oct. 21, 2001
Up in the Air: Where Is the Iraq War Headed Next?
The New Yorker, Nov. 5, 2005
Private Security Crews Add to Fear in Baghdad
The Washington Post, Nov. 28, 2005
UK Funds Aid Iraqi Torture Units
The Observer, July 3, 2005
The CIA and Operation Phoenix in Vietnam
Ralph McGehee, Feb. 19, 1996
U.S. Senate Review of Operation Phoenix
United States Senate, Feb. 17 to March 19, 1970
Counter-Revolutionary Violence: Bloodbaths in Fact & Propaganda
Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman
Project X, Drugs and Death Squads
Consortium News, 1997
Phoenix Project: It's How We Fought the War
Los Angeles Times, May 3, 2001
The Phoenix Program Revisited
CounterPunch, May 15, 2004
The Gentlemanly Planners of Assassinations
Slate.com, Nov. 1, 2002
© Copyright 2005, The Moscow Times.   All Rights Reserved.
MI6 and CIA 'sent student to Morocco to be tortured'
An Ethiopian claims that his confession to al-Qaeda bomb plot was signed after beatings, reports David Rose in New York
Sunday December 11, 2005
The Observer
An Ethiopian student who lived in London claims that he was brutally tortured with the involvement of British and US intelligence agencies.
Binyam Mohammed, 27, says he spent nearly three years in the CIA's network of 'black sites'.   In Morocco he claims he underwent the strappado torture of being hung for hours from his wrists, and scalpel cuts to his chest and penis and that a CIA officer was a regular interrogator.
After his capture in Pakistan, Mohammed says British officials warned him that he would be sent to a country where torture was used.   Moroccans also asked him detailed questions about his seven years in London, which his lawyers believe came from British sources.
Western agencies believed that he was part of a plot to buy uranium in Asia, bring it to the US and build a 'dirty bomb' in league with Jose Padilla, a US citizen.   Mohammed signed a confession but told his lawyer, Clive Stafford Smith, he had never met Padilla, or anyone in al-Qaeda.   Padilla spent almost four years in American custody, accused of the plot.   Last month, after allegations of the torture used against Mohammed emerged, the claims against Padilla were dropped.   He now faces a civil charge of supporting al-Qaeda financially.
A senior US intelligence official told The Observer that the CIA is now in 'deep crisis' following last week's international political storm over the agency's practice of 'extraordinary rendition' - transporting suspects to countries where they face torture.   'The smarter people in the Directorate of Operations [the CIA's clandestine operational arm] know that one day, if they do this stuff, they are going to face indictment,' he said.   'They are simply refusing to participate in these operations, and if they don't have big mortgage or tuition fees to pay they're thinking about trying to resign altogether.'
Already 22 CIA officers have been charged in absentia in Italy for alleged roles in the rendition of a radical cleric, Hassan Mustafa Osama Nasr, seized - without the knowledge of the Italian government - on a Milan street in February 2003.
The intense pressure on US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice last week, coupled with Friday's condemnation of the use of evidence extracted under torture by the House of Lords, has intensified concerns within the CIA.   The official said: 'Renditions and torture aren't just wrong, they also expose CIA personnel and diplomats abroad to enormous future risk.'
Mohammed arrived in Britain in 1994.   He lived in Wornington Road, North Kensington, and studied at Paddington Green College.   For most of this time, said his brother, he rarely went to a mosque.   However, in early 2001 he became more religious.
The Observer has obtained fresh details of his case which was first publicised last summer.   He went to Pakistan in June 2001 because, he says, he had a drug problem and wanted to kick the habit.   He was arrested on 10 April at the airport on his way back to England because of an alleged passport irregularity.   Initially interrogated by Pakistani and British officials, he told Stafford Smith: 'The British checked out my story and said they knew I was a nobody.   They said they would tell the Americans.'
Tortured in an Arab country
He was questioned by the FBI and began to hear accusations of terror involvement.   He says he also met two MI6 officers.   One told him he would be tortured in an Arab country.
The interrogations intensified and he says he was taken to Islamabad; then, in July 2002, on a CIA flight to Morocco.   His description of the process matches independent reports.   Masked officers wore black.   They stripped him, subjected him to a full body search and shackled him to his seat wearing a nappy.
In Morocco he was told he had plotted with Padilla and had dinner in Pakistan with Khalid Sheik Mohammed, the planner of 9/11, and other al-Qaeda chiefs.   'I've never met anyone like these people,' Mohammed told Stafford Smith.   'How could I?   I speak no Arabic... I never heard Padilla's name until they told me.'
During almost 18 months of regular beatings in Morocco, Mohammed says he frequently met a blonde woman in her thirties who told him she was Canadian.   The US intelligence officer told The Observer this was an 'amateurish' CIA cover.   'The only Americans who historically pretended to be Canadian were backpackers travelling in Europe during the Vietnam war.   Apart from the moral issues, what disturbs me is that, as an attempt to create plausible deniability, this is so damn transparent.'
Electrocution and rape — so much pain I'd fall to my knees
According to Mohammed, he was threatened with electrocution and rape.   On one occasion, he was handcuffed when three men entered his cell wearing black masks.   'That day I ceased really knowing I was alive.   One stood on each of my shoulders and a third punched me in the stomach.   It seemed to go on for hours.   I was meant to stand, but I was in so much pain I'd fall to my knees.   They'd pull me back up and hit me again.   They'd kick me in the thighs as I got up.   I could see the hands that were hitting me... like the hands of someone who'd worked as a mechanic or chopped with an axe.'
Later he was confronted with details of his London life — such as the name of his kickboxing teacher — and met a Moroccan calling himself Marwan, who ordered him to be hung by his wrists.   'They hit me in the chest, the stomach, and they knocked my feet from under me.   I have a shoulder pain to this day from the wrenching as my arms were almost pulled out of their sockets.'
Penis cut
Another time, he told Stafford Smith: 'They took a scalpel to my right chest.   It was only a small cut.   Then they cut my left chest.   One of them took my penis in his hand and began to make cuts.   He did it once, and they stood still for maybe a minute watching.   I was in agony, crying, trying desperately to suppress myself, but I was screaming... They must have done this 20 to 30 times in maybe two hours.   There was blood all over.'
In September he was taken to Guantanamo Bay where he has been charged with involvement in al-Qaeda plots and faces trial there by military commission.   Stafford Smith said: 'I am unaware of any evidence against him other than that extracted under torture.'
The Foreign Office, the Moroccan Embassy and the CIA refused to comment yesterday.
Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2005
Journalist Paul McGeough discusses allegations that Iraqi Prime Minister executed as many as six suspected insurgents at a Baghdad police station at the end of June
Australian Broadcasting Corporation
TV PROGRAM TRANSCRIPT
LOCATION: http://www.abc.net.au/lateline/content/2004/s1155990.htm
Broadcast: 16/07/2004
Iraqi PM executed six insurgents: witnesses
Reporter: Maxine McKew
MAXINE MCKEW:   Let's go straight to the allegations that Iyad Allawi executed as many as six suspected insurgents at a Baghdad police station at the end of June.
The explosive claims in tomorrow's Sydney Morning Herald and Age newspapers allege that the prisoners were handcuffed and blindfolded, lined up against a courtyard wall and shot by the Iraqi Prime Minister.
Dr Allawi is alleged to have told those around him that he wanted to send a clear message to the police on how to deal with insurgents.
Two people allege they witnessed the killings and there are also claims the Iraqi Interior Minister was present as well as four American security men in civilian dress.
Well, the journalist reporting the story is Paul McGeough, awarded a Walkley Award for his coverage of the Iraq war last year.
He's also a former editor of the Herald and is now the paper's chief correspondent.
He's joined me on the line from a location in the Middle East.
MAXINE MCKEW:   Paul McGeough, thanks for joining us.
Paul, as you've also made clear in your article, Prime Minister Allawi has flatly denied this story.
Why then is the Herald so confident about publishing it?
PAUL McGEOUGH, 'SYDNEY MORNING HERALD' AND 'AGE' FOREIGN CORRESPONDENT:   Well it's a very contentious issue.
What you have is two very solid eyewitness accounts of what happened at a police security complex in a south-west Baghdad suburb.
They are very detailed.
They were done separately.
Each witness is not aware that the other spoke.
They were contacted through personal channels rather than through the many political, religious or military organisations working in Baghdad that might be trying to spin a tale.
And they've laid it out very carefully and very clearly as to what they saw.
MAXINE MCKEW:   You haven't identified these witnesses but why have they felt free to talk about such an extraordinary story?
PAUL McGEOUGH:   Well, they were approached through personal connections and as a result of that, they accepted assurances.
They were guaranteed anonymity, they were told that no identifying material would be published on them and they told what they saw.
MAXINE MCKEW:   And just take us through the events as they were accounted to you?
PAUL McGEOUGH:   Well, I'll take you through what the two bits of pieces of what the two witnesses said to give you the full chronology as I understand it.
There was a surprise visit at about 10:30 in the morning to the police centre.
The PM is said to have talked to a large group of policemen, then to have toured the complex.
They came to a courtyard where six, sorry seven prisoners were lined up against a wall.
They were handcuffed, they were blindfolded, they were described to me as an Iraqi colloquialism for the fundamentalist foreign fighters who have come to Baghdad.
They have that classic look that you see with many of the Osama bin Laden associates of the scraggly beard and the very short hair and they were a sort of ... took place in front of them as they were up against this wall was an exchange between the Interior Minister and Dr Allawi, the Interior Minister saying that he felt like killing them on the spot.
It's worth noting at this point in the story that on June 19, there was an attack on the Interior Minister's home in the Sunni triangle in which four of his bodyguards (inaudible) —
Dr Allawi is alleged to have said (inaudible) — .
MAXINE MCKEW:   Paul, you just dropped out there.
You were just beginning to describe in fact how this incident, this alleged incident, took place.
What was the action taken?
PAUL McGEOUGH:   Um, after a tour of the complex, the sort of official party, if you like, arrived in a courtyard where the prisoners were lined up against a wall.
An exchange is said to have taken place between Dr Allawi and the Interior Minister.
The Interior Minister lives to the north of Baghdad, and on June 19, four of his bodyguards were killed in an attack on his home.
He expressed the wish that he would like to kill all these men on the spot.
The PM is said to have responded that they deserved worse than death, that each was responsible for killing more than 50 Iraqis each, and at that point, he is said to have pulled a gun and proceeded to aim at and shoot all seven.
Six of them died, the seventh, according to one witness, was wounded in the chest, according to the other witness, was wounded in the neck and presumed to be dead.
MAXINE MCKEW:   And the victims, they were, what, foreign or local insurgents?
PAUL McGEOUGH:   They were — one of the witnesses described them as Wahabis, the Iraqi colloquialism for foreign fighters who have come into the country or local Iraqis who have taken on their Islamic jihad, if you like.
The reference is very much to their appearance — very short hair, very scraggly beard and four of them were described as Wahabis, the other three were described to me as normal Iraqis.
MAXINE MCKEW:   Now you're time line, Paul, on this is this happened just before the formal handover, is that right, to Dr Allawi's interim Government?
PAUL McGEOUGH:   As explained by the witnesses, neither of them could put a precise date on the incident.
But they each gave me a description in terms of the days that had lapsed from it and by tracking back on the two different descriptions that they gave me from the date of the interview I had with them, which was some days apart, I was able to establish that it happened on or around the weekend of June 19/20.
That would make it three weeks after Dr Allawi had been named as Prime Minister — one week before the handover.
MAXINE MCKEW:   And your informants, in what kind of tone did they recount this extraordinary tale?
PAUL McGEOUGH:   Very matter-of-factly, which is often the way you get incredible or remarkable events explained to you in this part of the world.
There's been so much violence, so much pain and a particular attitude to death, if you like, that both of them recounted it quite matter-of-factly.
MAXINE MCKEW:   And of course, I have to ask you again — I'm sure that the Baghdad rumour mill would be thick with stories about Dr Allawi.
Why are you so confident that you can't put this story into that same category?
PAUL McGEOUGH:   Because it came from two eye witnesses.
You're right about the Baghdad rumour mill, it's ferocious.
And versions of this story are on it and it was as a result of hearing this story as a rumour that I proceeded to check it to investigate it, to see if it had a factual base.
I used, as I said earlier, personal channels to make contact with the two witnesses to establish that they were in a position to know in terms of somebody trying to come at me with a story, that wasn't the case.
They did not come to me.
They weren't offered or volunteered to me.
There was an element of chance involved in meeting one of them, which would have made it impossible for him to have been a set-up for me, and listening to their stories, their stories sounded credible.
I had a colleague sitting in by accident on one of the interviews.
He was impressed by the credibility and something that's very important with a story like this in this part of the world, particularly where you're interviewing through interpreters I had a very sound, to me on the ground, a very valuable set of Iraqi eyes and ears listening and also believing the account.
MAXINE MCKEW:   Your sources of course will be sought out by other news agencies after tonight.
Will they stand up to scrutiny?
PAUL McGEOUGH:   Well I don't know whether others will find them or not.
I won't be making them available to anyone.
I've given undertakes that I would protect their identities absolutely and I have to stand by that.
MAXINE MCKEW:   All right, for that.
Paul McGeough, thanks very much indeed, fascinating story.
PAUL McGEOUGH:   OK.
 
Published on January 9, 2005 by Newsweek
'The Salvador Option'
The Pentagon May Put Special-Forces-led Assassination or Kidnapping Teams in Iraq
by Michael Hirsh and John Barry
What to do about the deepening quagmire of Iraq?  The Pentagon’s latest approach is being called "the Salvador option" — and the fact that it is being discussed at all is a measure of just how worried Donald Rumsfeld really is.
"What everyone agrees is that we can’t just go on as we are," one senior military officer told NEWSWEEK.  "We have to find a way to take the offensive against the insurgents.  Right now, we are playing defense.  And we are losing."
Last November’s operation in Fallujah, most analysts agree, succeeded less in breaking "the back" of the insurgency — as Marine Gen. John Sattler optimistically declared at the time—than in spreading it out.
Policy a success
Now, NEWSWEEK has learned, the Pentagon is intensively debating an option that dates back to a still-secret strategy in the Reagan administration’s battle against the leftist guerrilla insurgency in El Salvador in the early 1980s.
Then, faced with a losing war against Salvadoran rebels, the U.S. government funded or supported "nationalist" forces that allegedly included so-called death squads directed to hunt down and kill rebel leaders and sympathizers.
Eventually the insurgency was quelled, and many U.S. conservatives consider the policy to have been a success—despite the deaths of innocent civilians and the subsequent Iran-Contra arms-for-hostages scandal.
John Negroponte
(Among the current administration officials who dealt with Central America back then is John Negroponte, who is today the U.S. ambassador to Iraq.  Under Reagan, he was ambassador to Honduras.)
Following that model, one Pentagon proposal would send Special Forces teams to advise, support and possibly train Iraqi squads, most likely hand-picked Kurdish Peshmerga fighters and Shiite militiamen, to target Sunni insurgents and their sympathizers, even across the border into Syria, according to military insiders familiar with the discussions.
It remains unclear, however, whether this would be a policy of assassination or so-called "snatch" operations, in which the targets are sent to secret facilities for interrogation.
The current thinking is that while U.S. Special Forces would lead operations in, say, Syria, activities inside Iraq itself would be carried out by Iraqi paramilitaries, officials tell NEWSWEEK.
Rumsfeld
Also being debated is which agency within the U.S. government—the Defense department or CIA—would take responsibility for such an operation.  Rumsfeld’s Pentagon has aggressively sought to build up its own intelligence-gathering and clandestine capability with an operation run by Defense Undersecretary Stephen Cambone.
But since the Abu Ghraib interrogations scandal, some military officials are ultra-wary of any operations that could run afoul of the ethics codified in the Uniform Code of Military Justice.
That, they argue, is the reason why such covert operations have always been run by the CIA and authorized by a special presidential finding.
(In "covert" activity, U.S. personnel operate under cover and the U.S. government will not confirm that it instigated or ordered them into action if they are captured or killed.)
Special Forces, Senate Intelligence Committee, CIA
Meanwhile, intensive discussions are taking place inside the Senate Intelligence Committee over the Defense department’s efforts to expand the involvement of U.S. Special Forces personnel in intelligence-gathering missions.  Historically, Special Forces’ intelligence gathering has been limited to objectives directly related to upcoming military operations—"preparation of the battlefield," in military lingo.
But, according to intelligence and defense officials, some Pentagon civilians for years have sought to expand the use of Special Forces for other intelligence missions.
Pentagon civilians and some Special Forces personnel believe CIA civilian managers have traditionally been too conservative in planning and executing the kind of undercover missions that Special Forces soldiers believe they can effectively conduct.
CIA traditionalists are believed to be adamantly opposed to ceding any authority to the Pentagon.  Until now, Pentagon proposals for a capability to send soldiers out on intelligence missions without direct CIA approval or participation have been shot down.
But counter-terrorist strike squads, even operating covertly, could be deemed to fall within the Defense department’s orbit.
Ayad Allawi said to be forthright proponent of Salvador option
The interim government of Prime Minister Ayad Allawi is said to be among the most forthright proponents of the Salvador option.
Maj. Gen.Muhammad Abdallah al-Shahwani, director of Iraq’s National Intelligence Service, may have been laying the groundwork for the idea with a series of interviews during the past ten days.
Shahwani told the London-based Arabic daily Al-Sharq al-Awsat that the insurgent leadership—he named three former senior figures in the Saddam regime, including Saddam Hussein’s half-brother—were essentially safe across the border in a Syrian sanctuary.
"We are certain that they are in Syria and move easily between Syrian and Iraqi territories," he said, adding that efforts to extradite them "have not borne fruit so far."
Shahwani also said that the U.S. occupation has failed to crack the problem of broad support for the insurgency.
The insurgents, he said, "are mostly in the Sunni areas where the population there, almost 200,000, is sympathetic to them."
He said most Iraqi people do not actively support the insurgents or provide them with material or logistical help, but at the same time they won’t turn them in.
One military source involved in the Pentagon debate agrees that this is the crux of the problem, and he suggests that new offensive operations are needed that would create a fear of aiding the insurgency.
"The Sunni population is paying no price for the support it is giving to the terrorists," he said.  "From their point of view, it is cost-free.  We have to change that equation."
Pentagon sources emphasize there has been no decision yet to launch the Salvador option.  Last week, Rumsfeld decided to send a retired four-star general, Gary Luck, to Iraq on an open-ended mission to review the entire military strategy there.  But with the U.S. Army strained to the breaking point, military strategists note that a dramatic new approach might be needed—perhaps one as potentially explosive as the Salvador option.
With Mark Hosenball
© Copyright 2005 Newsweek
Common Dreams © 1997-2005
It's ingrained in U.S. policy in dozens upon dozens of countries.
In Indonesia the Kopassus, the Red Berets, which there specialize in torture and assassination, they have been trained by U.S. Green Berets in things like urban warfare.
Monday, January 10th, 2005
Is the U.S. Organizing Salvador-Style Death Squads in Iraq?
Setting up assassination squads — Click Here
AMY GOODMAN:    The Intelligence Committee came out with a 400-page report, which never saw the light of day. I believe there were only two copies made.
Can you talk about what this Salvador option means, hearing about the Newsweek report that they might employ it in Iraq?
ALLAN NAIRN:    Well, Newsweek said that they described the Salvador option as the targeting of combatants and their sympathizers, and the key word is sympathizers.
In El Salvador and not just Salvador, but about three dozen other countries, the U.S. government, in an integrated effort involving the C.I.A., the Pentagon, and the State Department, backed the creation of military units that targeted civilian activists.
ALLAN NAIRN:    In Salvador, I interviewed many of the officers involved in running these squads.
For example, General “Chele” Medrano, who was on the C.I.A. payroll, described how they picked their targets.
He said, they targeted people who speak, and these are his words:
“…against yankee imperialism, against the oligarchy, against military men.   These people are traitors to the country.   What can the troops do, when they found them this he kill them.”
Actually, they didn't always kill them.
Torture
Often, they brought them to the headquarters of the treasury police, the national guard, the army and they tortured for them days.
One former member of the Salvadoran treasury police, Rene Hurtado, described a course that was given at army general staff headquarters where American officers gave instruction in techniques including electroshock torture.
Hurtado himself said he conducted such torture.
He said, these are his words:
“You put wires on the prisoner’s vital parts.
You place the wires between the prisoner’s teeth, on the penis, on the vagina.
The prisoners feel it more so the feet are in the water, and they are seated on iron so the blow is stronger…
When it's over, you just throw him in the alleys with a sign saying, Mano Blanco, ESA (Secret Anticommunist Army), or Maximiliano Hernandez Brigade.”
These are the names of the Salvadora death squads.
I was given a chance to see the archives of the Salvadoran National Police, the intelligence archives and you could see they have filed marked, union, student, religious.
They showed me a card file, which included surveillance reports on activists who had traveled to other countries.
These surveillance reports were given to them, according to the captain who was giving me this tour, by the C.I.A.
The whole filing system was set up for them by the U.S. Agency for International Development.
Silver medal
Medrano was at one point brought to the oval office in the White House, and presented a silver medal by president Lyndon Johnson for an — he showed me the medal, inscribed on the medal — for exceptionally meritorious service.
This program actually began not just under Reagan, but during the John F. Kennedy administration.
It encompassed all of Latin America or all of the dictatorships of Latin America that were being backed the by the U.S. in the Central American region, it included Salvador, Guatemala, Nicaragua, and Honduras.
Special teletype system
A special teletype system, which at that time was the top technology, was set up for exchanging information among the intelligence services of the various participant countries, where information would be passed back and forth about, for example, labor leaders who would travel from one country to another for conferences, and then on their return, they would be picked up, tortured and assassinated.
Something on the order of 75,000 Salvadoran civilians were killed by the Salvadoran military, most of them during the 1970's.
And the majority of these were targeted by these death squad type forces.
So one point is, these were not combatants who were being killed.
These were not armed guerrillas.
They were sometimes engaged by the Salvadoran military in combat, but the death squad operations, which the Pentagon according to Newsweek is now talking about using for Iraq, these went after civilians.
AMY GOODMAN:    You talk about General Medrano, who is known as the father of these death squads, trained by the United States in El Salvador.
Again, this 20 years ago.
And I'm looking at a full-page ad that The Progressive took out in the , “Behind the Death Squads,” an exclusive report on the U.S. role in Salvador's official terror.
Can you talk about the effect of this, and how this information was made known?
ALLAN NAIRN:    Well, based on some of those interviews that I just described and also U.S. internal documents I did that article for The Progressive.
They published, I think it was May of 1984 and it was almost completely ignored by the corporate press.
There was no notice whatsoever. So then The Progressive went out and raised money from various donors, and they were able to buy a full-page ad in the Washington Post where they reprinted about a third of the article.
This got some attention in Washington.
The U.S. Senate Intelligence Committee then asked me to come in, and meet with them.
So I did in a closed session and was questioned by dozens of the Intelligence Committee staff for about three or four hours about what the U.S. had done to back and create the Salvadoran death squads.
Now this was a bit curious since they were the ones, who had security clearance, who had access to the C.I.A. and Pentagon files.
They were the ones who worked with them, indeed funded them, but they were asking me, I think in part maybe to try to find out how much I knew.
What I knew is what I printed in the magazine, but I was trying to spur them to investigate. And they did.
They then launched an investigation where they say they examined more than a million internal documents.
They produced a 400 page report, which was heavily classified. They told me that only two copies of the report were produced, one was in a sealed room that only — kept on Capitol Hill, which only the Senators on the committee could read, and another at the C.I.A. headquarters.
A public report was released, which said nothing.
Some of the Senators told me that the classified — they told me a little bit about the classified report.
They said they had verified that in fact, yes, the U.S. had set up these death squads in Salvador and also that U.S. personnel had sometimes been on the premises during torture sessions and had supplied questions for the prisoners being tortured.
AMY GOODMAN:   
So, this was back in 1984 and 1985 when this was coming back — coming out.
Did it surprise you that the Pentagon is actually calling this proposal, according to Newsweek, to train — it's not clear if it's C.I.A.-backed, Pentagon-backed assassination and kidnapping squads in El Salvador, that they're calling it the Salvador option.
Have they ever acknowledged it publicly?
ALLAN NAIRN:   
Well, it sounds … No, they never acknowledged it publicly. That Senate report was classified.   But now it sounds like in an offhand way, it's almost — it sounds as if they're almost talking about it even in a — almost a joking way, oh yeah, we'll do to them what they did to Salvador.
It's an astonishing admission, but I think now that this is on the record, immediately, the Senate Intelligence Committee should release their classified report of 1984, and there should be a demand that the Pentagon and the C.I.A. release all internal documents they have about the Salvador option, and similar activities in Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Salvador, also — there are dozens of other countries in the world where this has happened.
Recently, we had the revelations about General Pinochet and his bank account, the Riggs Bank in Washington.
He was paid millions by the U.S. as a very similar intelligence exchange system and assassination system was being set up the southern cone countries.
This admission should be pursued, and the U.S. officials who participated in creating units that killed civilians should be prosecuted for murder.   We have to enforce the murder laws.
AMY GOODMAN:   
The nuns, the American nuns it is referred to in the Newsweek piece, that were killed in El Salvador, Allan.   Can you give some background as we — as the Pentagon apparently weighs this option of the Salvador option in Iraq?
ALLAN NAIRN:   
They were killed by the Salvadoran National Guard. They were pulled from their vehicle, raped, shot, dumped into a ditch, and this was a typical Salvadoran death squad operation.
This one got a lot of the attention in the press in the U.S., because victims were American.
Although at the time, U.S. officials actually tried to excuse it, Alexander Haig, I believe it was Alexander Haig spoke publicly about there being an exchange of gunfire, which implied these were pistol packing nuns who had to be brought down in combat by the Salvadoran forces.
Jean Kirkpatrick actually said, well, these were not real nuns, her suggestion being that they were activists and this somehow — she seemed to be suggesting this somehow legitimized their targeting.
That was in fact the principle behind these death squad operations.
AMY GOODMAN:   
And then the Jesuits who were killed in El Salvador, not to mention the archbishop of El Salvador Oscar Romereo.
ALLAN NAIRN:   
Archbishop Romero was killed as part of the — according to later investigations, he was killed by an offshoot of the operation of Roberto D’Aubuisson who ran the ARENA party, which was one of the death squad operations or one of the smaller one, actually.
The larger came from the regular Salvadoran armed forces and police.
He also had U.S. backing.
In fact, D’Aubuisson launched his career as a major figure in Salvador by going on TV and making a speech.
He had a video role as he spoke with an illustrated death list of union people and religious figures and others who he said should be killed as traitors to the country.
And the data for the list were supplied to him by American intelligence, again according to the officers there I interviewed.
AMY GOODMAN:   
Now, one link between Salvador 20 years ago and today in Iraq is the former U.S. ambassador to Honduras, John Negroponte, who is the current ambassador to Iraq.
And I also want to get to Aceh and talk about the latest that's happening there, but in just a minute, if you could sum up that link.
ALLAN NAIRN:   
Well, Negroponte was one of the people who ran the Contra operation, the central — the invasion against Nicaragua, which the world court later ruled to be an act of aggression by the Contras, which were created and funded by the U.S. government.
He also oversaw the back — the military backing for Battalion 316, which was a Honduran military death squad that specialized in torture and assassination.
AMY GOODMAN:   
And so, what it means that he is in charge of Iraq right now.   Do you think he has a part of designing this “Salvador option?”
ALLAN NAIRN:   
Maybe not.   They probably have other people who are specialists in that.
He's probably handling the economic side of it, but if there are political apologies to be done, Negroponte may handle it.
The thing is that these programs, which backed the killing of foreign civilians, it's a regular part of U.S. policy.
It's ingrained in U.S. policy in dozens upon dozens of countries.
In Indonesia for example, which we are going to talk about in a minute, where the tsunami hit, the Kopassus, the Red Berets, which there specialize in torture and assassination, they have been trained by U.S. Green Berets in things like urban warfare.
This is a longstanding policy, and it's nothing new.
From the video 'Holes in Heaven' — Brooks Agnew, Earth Tornographer
In 1983 I did radio tornography with 30 watts looking for oil in the ground.
I found 26 oil wells over a nine state area.
100 hundred percent of the time was accurate, which is just 30 watts of power beaming straight into solid rock.
HAARP uses a billion watts beamed straight into the ionosphere for experiments.
Picture these strings on the piano as layers of the Earth, each one has its own frequency.
What we used to do is beam radio waves into the ground and it would vibrate any 'strings' that were present in the ground.
We might get a sound back like ___ and we would say, that's natural gas.
We might get a sound back like ____ and we'd say that's crude oil.
We were able to identify each frequency.
We accomplished this with just 30 watts of radio power.
If you do this with a billion watts the vibrations are so violent that the entire piano would shake.
In fact the whole house would shake.
In fact the vibrations could be so severe under ground they could even cause an earthquake.
Download or watch   HAARP Holes in Heaven
— Complete version available for mp4 download
Download or watch movie on HAARP — Advanced US Military research weapon on behaviour modification
weather change, ionesphere manipulation — click here
Download or watch audio of Dr. Nick Begich talking on HAARP
— The 2006 update to 'Angels Don't Play This HAARP'.
'Angels Still Don't Play This HAARP: Advances In Tesla Technology'.
Planet Earth Weapon by Rosalie Bertell
ozone, HAARP, chemtrails, space war — click here
What HAARP Is.. And Everything Its Used For
Full HAARP Documentary — click here
Angels Dont Play This HAARP weather manipulation
1 hour 36 minutes video — click here
(poor quality to watch but well worth listening)
Dr. Nick Begich, his book and his articles can be found here
       http://www.earthpulse.com/      
Article on Chemtrails — unusual cloud formations in the US.
Afghanistan US military abuse of tribal people.

'After that I was so humiliated I couldn't see for my pain'

What I find is that the US Marines act with impunity.

They are conducting cordon and search operations designed to humiliate and terrorise the local community into compliance.

This is a rare and damning insight into what US forces are doing in that other “war on terror.”

Away from the eyes of the media, humiliation and brutalisation tactics similar to those used at Abu Ghraib are practiced here with impunity.

This documentary on Afghaistan by Carmela Baranowska that won the Walkley Award is a unique and unprecedented look at the sharp edge of the war on terror in one of the most remote and inaccessible places on earth.
Winner of the Walkley Award   Australian filmmaker   Carmela Baranowska.
What I find is that the US Marines act with impunity.  They are conducting cordon and search operations designed to humiliate and terrorise the local community into compliance.
This is a rare and damning insight into what US forces are doing in that other “war on terror.”
Away from the eyes of the media, humiliation and brutalisation tactics similar to those used at Abu Ghraib are practiced here with impunity.
This documentary is a unique and unprecedented look at the sharp edge of the war on terror in one of the most remote and inaccessible places on earth.
Unspeakable grief and horror
                        ...and the circus of deception continues...
Most recent 'Circus'    click here
— 2014
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— 2007
— 2006
— 2005
— 2004
— 2003
Circus of Torture   2003 — now
He says, "You are quite mad, Kewe"
And of course I am.
Why, I don't believe any of it — not the bloody body, not the bloody mind, not even the bloody Universe, or is it bloody multiverse.
"It's all illusion," I say.   "Don't you know, my lad, my lassie.   The game!   The game, me girl, me boy!   Takes on interest, don't you know.   T'is me sport, till doest find a better!"
Pssssst — but all this stuff is happening down here
Let's change it!
To say hello:     hello[the at marker]Kewe.info
For Kewe's spiritual and metaphysical pages — click here
 
 
  Afghanistan — Western Terror States: Canada, US, UK, France, Germany, Italy      
       Photos of Afghanistan people being killed and injured by NATO      

 
 
 
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