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Monday, 11 April, 2005
Scarred by history: The Rape of Nanjing
Bodies of Chinese laid in ditch.

Thousands of bodies were buried in ditches
Bodies of Chinese laid in ditch
Thousands of bodies were buried in ditches
Between December 1937 and March 1938 one of the worst massacres in modern times took place.   Japanese troops captured the Chinese city of Nanjing and embarked on a campaign of murder, rape and looting.
Based on estimates made by historians and charity organisations in the city at the time, between 250,000 and 300,000 people were killed, many of them women and children.
The number of women raped was said by Westerners who were there to be 20,000, and there were widespread accounts of civilians being hacked to death.
Yet many Japanese officials and historians deny there was a massacre on such a scale.
They admit that deaths and rapes did occur, but say they were on a much smaller scale than reported.   And in any case, they argue, these things happen in times of war.
The Sino-Japanese Wars
In 1931, Japan invaded Chinese Manchuria following a bombing incident at a railway controlled by Japanese interests.
The Chinese troops were no match for their opponents and Japan ended up in control of great swathes of Chinese territory.
The following years saw Japan consolidate its hold, while China suffered civil war between communists and the nationalists of the Kuomintang.
Japanese troops in Nanjing
Japanese troops enter the city in triumph
The latter were led by General Chiang Kai-shek, whose capital was at Nanjing.
Many Japanese, particularly some elements of the army, wanted to increase their influence and in July 1937, a skirmish between Chinese and Japanese troops escalated into full-scale war.
The Japanese again had initial success, but then there was a period of successful Chinese defence before the Japanese broke through at Shanghai and swiftly moved on to Nanjing.
Chiang Kai-shek's troops had already left the city and the Japanese army occupied it without difficulty.
'One of the great atrocities of modern times'
Nanjing China
Nanjing Massacre.

Memorial Hall building housing the skeletons of the victims in the Jiangdongmen, Nanjing Massacre China

Photo: humanum.arts.cuhk.edu.hk
Memorial Hall building housing the skeletons of the victims in the Nanjing Massacre
At the time, the Japanese army did not have a reputation for brutality.
In the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-5, the Japanese commanders had behaved with great courtesy towards their defeated opponents, but this was very different.
Japanese papers reported competitions among junior officers to kill the most Chinese.
There probably is no crime that has not been committed in this city today
Minnie Vautrin
US woman in Nanjing
One Japanese newspaper correspondent saw lines of Chinese being taken for execution on the banks of the Yangtze River, where he saw piles of burned corpses.
Photographs from the time, now part of an exhibition in the city, show Japanese soldiers standing, smiling, among heaps of dead bodies.
Nanjing Massacre.

Memorial Hall building housing the skeletons of the victims in the Jiangdongmen, Nanjing Massacre China

These are skeletons excavated in the Jiangdongmen - The Gate on the Eastern Bank of the River

Photo: humanum.arts.cuhk.edu.hk
Skeletons of the victims excavated in the Jiangdongmen
   — The Gate on the Eastern Bank of the River
Tillman Durdin of the New York Times reported the early stages of the massacre before being forced to leave.
He later wrote:
"I was 29 and it was my first big story for the New York Times.
So I drove down to the waterfront in my car.
And to get to the gate I had to just climb over masses of bodies accumulated there."
The car just had to drive over these dead bodies.
And the scene on the river front, as I waited for the launch... was of a group of smoking, chattering Japanese officers overseeing the massacring of a battalion of Chinese captured troops.
They were marching about in groups of about 15, machine-gunning them."
Skeletons of the victims excavated in the Jiangdongmen - The Gate on the Eastern Bank of the River

Photo: humanum.arts.cuhk.edu.hk
As he departed, he saw 200 men being executed in 10 minutes to the apparent enjoyment of Japanese military spectators.
He concluded that the rape of Nanjing was "one of the great atrocities of modern times".
'The memories cannot be erased'
A Christian missionary, John Magee, described Japanese soldiers as killing not only "every prisoner they could find but also a vast number of ordinary citizens of all ages".
"Many of them were shot down like the hunting of rabbits in the streets," he said.
Chinese prisoners in Nanjing
Some victims were reportedly buried alive
After what he described as a week of murder and rape, the Rev Magee joined other Westerners in trying to set up an international safety zone.
Another who tried to help was an American woman, Minnie Vautrin, who kept a diary which has been likened to that of Anne Frank.
Her entry for 16 December reads: "There probably is no crime that has not been committed in this city today.   Thirty girls were taken from the language school [where she worked] last night, and today I have heard scores of heartbreaking stories of girls who were taken from their homes last night — one of the girls was but 12 years old."
Later, she wrote: "How many thousands were mowed down by guns or bayoneted we shall probably never know.   For in many cases oil was thrown over their bodies and then they were burned."
"Charred bodies tell the tales of some of these tragedies.   The events of the following ten days are growing dim.   But there are certain of them that lifetime will not erase from my memory and the memories of those who have been in Nanjing through this period."
Minnie Vautrin suffered a nervous breakdown in 1940 and returned to the US.   She committed suicide in 1941.
Also horrified at what he saw was John Rabe, a German who was head of the local Nazi party.
He became leader of the international safety zone and recorded what he saw, some of it on film, but this was banned by the Nazis when he returned to Germany.
He wrote about rape and other brutalities which occurred even in the middle of the supposedly protected area.
Confession and denial
After the Second World War was over, one of the Japanese soldiers who was in Nanjing spoke about what he had seen.
Japanese soldier in Nanjing
Japanese troops showed little mercy
Azuma Shiro recalled one episode: "There were about 37 old men, old women and children.   We captured them and gathered them in a square."
"There was a woman holding a child on her right arm... and another one on her left."
"We stabbed and killed them, all three — like potatoes in a skewer.   I thought then, it's been only one month since I left home... and 30 days later I was killing people without remorse."
Mr Shiro suffered for his confession: "When there was a war exhibition in Kyoto, I testified.   The first person who criticized me was a lady in Tokyo.   She said I was damaging those who died in the war."
"She called me incessantly for three or four days.   More and more letters came and the attack became so severe... that the police had to provide me with protection."
Such testimony, however, has been discounted at the highest levels in Japan.
Former Justice Minister Shigeto Nagano denied that the massacre had occurred, claiming it was a Chinese fabrication.
Professor Ienaga Saburo spent many years fighting the Japanese government in the courts with only limited success for not allowing true accounts of Japanese war atrocities to be given in school textbooks.
There is also opposition to the idea among ordinary Japanese people.   A film called Don't Cry Nanjing was made by Chinese and Hong Kong film-makers in 1995 but it was several years before it was shown in Japan.
BBC NEWS:VIDEO AND AUDIO

Iris Chang interviewed on BBC World Service Radio
Historian Iris Chang describes the horrors of "one of the great atrocities of world history"



RELATED INTERNET LINKS:
          
Tokyo's textbook history revisionism
Monday 13 September 2004
By Julian Ryall in Tokyo.
The history book hardly mentions Japan's wartime atrocities
Japan's traditionally left-wing teachers have caved in to pressure to use a history text book that critics say glosses over Japan's wartime atrocities.
The book, drawn up by the Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform, will appear in classrooms in a school in Tokyo's Taito ward at the start of the next academic year, in April.
And despite their own private beliefs on the merits or otherwise of the book's contents, union leaders say they are powerless to do anything but follow the curriculum.
"Our union has demanded that the book not be used or that the content be changed and although our teachers are not happy that they will now have to use the book, that is the decision of the Tokyo metropolitan board of education," said Hideo Higashimori, secretary general of the All Japan Teachers' Union.
"It forces teachers to use this book and that decision is not good, but due process has been followed so we can do nothing more," he said.
Political mistakes
"I have read the book and the facts about Japan and Asia are not correct and there are lots of mistakes in the book — political mistakes — and that's not good for pupils," he added.
It is very regrettable that they have adopted this book because it is based on historical revisionism ...I believe that they are simply trying to mobilise young people for the armed conflicts that we see today in Iraq and Afghanistan
Norihiro Yoshida,
Japan Federation of Publishing Workers' Unions
The society produced the book, it said, because the ones presently being used by students are "masochistic" in the way they describe Japan's history and the way in which they focus too much on the nation's wartime aggression.
The Tokyo Metropolitan Government (TMG) admits that it has received messages from the mayor of Seoul and the city's board of education demanding the book not be used in classrooms.   Citizens' groups in Japan have made the same demand.
"They say this decision will influence other education authorities to use the book and that Tokyo is going back to a state of brainwashing its children to go to war," said TMG spokesman Jun Ishikawa.
Rolling back history
The decision to print the new book can be traced back to 1995, according to Norihiro Yoshida, a member of the central executive committee of the Japan Federation of Publishing Workers' Unions with direct responsibility for history text books.
"To mark 50 years since the end of the war, then Foreign Minister Yohei Kono proposed a motion to the Diet [Japanese parliament] for a formal apology from Japan to Asian countries for the acts of the Imperial Japanese Army during World War II," he said.
"The hardliners in the ruling Liberal Democratic Party have never reflected on what their friends and colleagues did during the war and they killed the bill."
Not satisfied with that victory, they set about rolling back the way history had been taught in Japanese schools, said Yoshida.
After the war, Japanese domestic history barely mentioned the events of the 20th century, preferring to focus on the Japan of the shoguns.
Creeping admission
By the 1980s, that had begun to change and there was a creeping admission of some of the events that are commonly taught to high school students in the rest of the world, Yoshida said.
The book ignores that Japan forced women to be sex slaves
That reached a peak in a history book that was published in 1997, stating, for example, that researchers believe "between 200,000 and 300,000 civilians were killed in Nanjing" in an "organised" Japanese army action, Yoshida said.
The new book says there were "many victims" but gives no number.   It also denies the massacre was organised.   What it does say is: "The soldiers angrily killed Chinese citizens."
On the equally contentious issue of "comfort women" — the thousands of Chinese, Korean and other women forced to serve in brothels for the Japanese military — the previous book devoted half a page to their plight, saying "the Japanese forces took the women away and made them into 'comfort women'."
Although that book was criticised by some for giving no statistics, the new version fails entirely to mention that women were forced into prostitution.
Foreign criticism
Yoshida fears this "whitewash" of Japanese history may continue.
"It is very regrettable that they have adopted this book because it is based on historical revisionism," he said.   "It beautifies these events and I believe that they are simply trying to mobilise young people for the armed conflicts that we see today in Iraq and Afghanistan."
Critics say the book whitewashes
Japan's militaristic past
The new book has also prompted national-level criticism from neighbouring countries that were invaded and occupied by imperial Japanese forces during the 1930s and 1940s.
The South Korean Foreign Affairs and Trade Ministry issuing a statement saying: "It is regrettable that the Fuso Publishing Co textbook has been adopted because it rationalises [Japan's] past wrongdoings based on a self-centred view of history."
The book was first published in 2001 and is presently used in just 10 schools across the country, but some fear this latest decision will encourage other right-wing education boards to call for it to be adopted more widely.
"Even though other l ocal governments have approved the book, there are only a few of them, but Tokyo is a different story," said Makoto Watanabe, professor of media and communications at Hokkaido University.
"One in 10 people in Japan live in Tokyo and the impact on other prefectural and local governments will be huge.
"This will be very encouraging and boards of education will make the decision, no matter that there is still very strong anti-war sentiment among teachers," he said.
Fuso is well known for publishing right-wing tracts and is "rewriting and recreating history", said Watanabe.
"They want to celebrate Japan's history during World War II and they describe Japan's leaders as heroes."
Teachers powerless
And today's teachers are not strong enough to resist the pressure they are coming under, he added.
Even if [the teachers] do not like the book and it runs counter to their beliefs, they will still teach it ... in the end they are institutionalised and they will follow the rules
Makoto Watanabe, 
media and communications professor, Hokkaido University
"Even if they do not like the book and it runs counter to their beliefs, they will still teach it," he said.   "Each of them may have an internal struggle, but in the end they are institutionalised and they will follow the rules.
"I think the number of 'stubborn' teachers is falling and they're becoming more and more bureaucratic and conservative, in as much as they will always follow the rules," he added.
Some believe the education board that approved the use of the book was influenced in its choice by the man who selected individual members to sit on the panel, Tokyo Governor Shintaro Ishihara.
"Yes, the panel thinks exactly the same way as Mr Ishihara thinks," said Higashimori.   "The committee can be said to be his brain, or his family."
An outspoken and unabashed nationalist, Ishihara is already unpopular with teachers for disciplining dozens in their ranks after they refused to acknowledge the national flag and sing Kimigayo, Japan's national anthem, at school graduation ceremonies earlier this year.
Teachers say the two are symbolic of Japan's militaristic past — a past that the new textbook doesn't seem to acknowledge.
                  Aljazeera

February 2, 2006
Japan Howls About 70 North Korea Abductions, Not Sorry About Its One Million Korean Slaves
Foreign Minister Taro Aso's Dirty Secret
By CHRISTOPHER REED
In Tokyo
Japan's "top priority" in new talks with North Korea opening Saturday, February 4, in Beijing, will be the case of 15 of its citizens abducted to Pyongyang between 1977-83.
But absent from Tokyo's agenda will be another unresolved disgrace: decades of enforced removal to Japan for work-slavery of a million Koreans — including 12,000 laborers compelled to work under grotesque conditions in coal mines owned by a firm still run by the family of Japan's foreign minister, Taro Aso.
Constantly covered by the Japanese media
The kidnappings of Japanese men and women to teach their language at North Korean spy schools could eventually total 70, it is suspected.   The outrage, constantly covered by the Japanese media, continues to upset people and is an international scandal by any standards.
The older, but incomparably worse mistreatment of Koreans over three decades, is hardly mentioned in Japan, and the foreign minister's connection remains taboo.   Yet in other countries such an episode would be regarded as intolerable in such an important government official.
The Korean pit workers were systematically underpaid, overworked, underfed and confined in penury.
They suffered chronic ill-health, frequent death from insanitary conditions or work accidents, were under 24-hour watch by brutal secret police, yet still managed to escape out of desperation.
Only with Japan's 1945 defeat in war were they finally released, to be sent home uncompensated.
Neither they nor their surviving families have since received a penny in personal reparations, despite pleas from both Koreas.

Wednesday, 29 March 2006
Japan rejects Chinese war claim
Chinese plaintiffs and their supporters outside Tokyo court, 19/4/05

Most Chinese plaintiffs forced to work in Japanese slave labour camps during World War two have their cases rejected
Most Chinese plaintiffs have their cases rejected
A group of 45 elderly Chinese who were forced to work as slave labourers in Japan during World War II have lost their bid for compensation.
A court in the Japanese prefecture of Fukuoka dismissed the men's lawsuit, which sought a total of 1bn yen ($8.5m) in compensation.
The plaintiffs had also demanded a written apology in both Japanese and Chinese newspapers.
Japan's ties with China are already frayed after a series of disputes.
The two countries have clashed over access to energy reserves, as well Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's annual visits to Tokyo's Yasukuni Shrine, where some war criminals are honoured along with Japan's war dead.
Forced labour
According to the lawsuit, the plaintiffs were forcibly taken from China to Fukuoka prefecture in Japan between 1943 and 1944.
They were made to work without pay at locations such as the Mitsui Miike mine and Mitsubishi Iizuka mine, according to Kyodo news agency.
About 40,000 Chinese people were sent to work in Japan in the latter years of the war.
Japan has generally refused to pay damages to Chinese claimants, despite repeated accusations that it has not properly atoned for its wartime brutality.
Officials claim the issue was settled on a bilateral basis as part of post-war treaties.
Like of which there is no other on this earth
Aso cannot argue that a generation separates him from such family odium, for he shares Japan's national lack of atonement for the brutalities and atrocities committed against Asian people during its imperial war of aggression from 1931-45.  
Even in his remarks before becoming foreign minister last October and since, he displays unfeeling insensitivity to Korean feelings — as well as expressing unabashed racial supremacy.
(Last year in a remark echoing 1930s fascism, Aso described Japan as "one nation, one civilization, one language, one culture, and one race, the like of which there is no other on this earth.")
Corporate legacy of peonage labor
He ran the Aso Cement Company, as the former Aso Coal Mines was then called, in Fukuoka prefecture in the southern island of Kyushu from 1973-79, when he entered politics.
During that time never addressed its terrible corporate legacy of peonage labor.
He remains connected to the company today.   In 2001 it entered a joint venture with the French cement manufacturer, Lefarge, but remains under the management of his younger brother, Yutaka Aso.   Only last December, the French ambassador in Tokyo presented Yutaka with the Legion d'Honneur at a ceremony where honored guests were foreign minister Taro Aso and his wife.
It seemed a fitting tribute to a family steeped in the finest traditions of Japan's recent history.   Aso prominence goes back to his great-great grandfather, Toshimichi Okubo, a samurai and one of five powerful nobles who led the 1868 overthrow of the centuries-old shogunate era that ushered in modern times.   His great grandfather Takakichi founded the Aso mining firm in 1872 and at one time it owned eight pits in Kyushu's rich Chikuho coal fields and was the biggest of three family corporations mining an area that produced half of Japan's coal.
As the scion of landed gentry, Aso graduated from the university that traditionally educates the imperial family, spent time in London at its university, joined what was then Aso Industries, and quickly became a director before moving to the top.   Completing the aristocratic tradition, he was part of the Japanese rifle shooting team in the 1976 Montreal Olympics.
Purge of 'reds'
Following his samurai ancestor, a grandfather was Shigeru Yoshida, prime minister of Japan five times between 1946 and 1954, and an autocratic conservative who, conveniently for the Aso family, conducted a 1950s purge of "reds" in the coal mining unions.
Taro Aso's wife adds to the family's power luster as the daughter of Zenko Suzuki, Liberal Democratic Party (conservative) prime minister from 1980-82.   There is even a royal link.   Aso's sister Nobuko married Prince Tomohito of Mikasa, the emperor's cousin, who recently hit the headlines over his opposition to the proposal — for an imperial family starved of male heirs — to allow a woman to occupy the chrysanthemum throne.   Tomohito suggested continuing the male line through concubines, an imperial tradition that would move Japan back several centuries.
Despite the fine lineage, it does not seem to have turned Aso into a gentleman.   He not only ignores his company's history, but has insulted the Korean people who sacrificed so much for his family's fortune.
Forced name changes 'voluntary'
By force of arms, Japan annexed the entire peninsula in 1910 and ran it as a colonial property for 35 years, with the people serving as inferior citizens and servants of their imperial masters.
In 1939 as Tokyo's grip tightened in the escalating war, its parliament passed a law forcing Koreans to adopt Japanese names, penalizing those and their children who declined to do so.
Yet not long before he became foreign minister, Aso referred to these forced name changes as "voluntary" and further suggested that the Republic of Korea's people had fared better under Tokyo's iron heel.

Put together relevant facts
Perhaps Aso's attitude derives from having at the family's disposal thousands of servile Koreans for so many years.   The exact history of this time is not officially recorded — certainly not in the Aso-Lafarge version, where the years from the 1930s to 1950s are blank.
But three local amateur historians in the Fukuoka prefecture of Kyushu, Eidai Hayashi, Takashi Ohno, and Noriaki Fukudome, assisted by a Korean living in Japan, Kim Guan-yul, have put together the relevant facts and figures to present a shocking picture, much of it recorded in their various books.
Although Tokyo did not pass until 1939 the National General Mobilization law that forced all colonial subjects, including those in Taiwan and Manchuria in China, to work wherever it suited Japan, the historians found that well before that year, Korean laborers were being shipped to Aso mines in Kyushu.
Precise numbers are unknown, but it was several thousands, especially after a famous strike of 400 miners at an Aso mine in 1932.
In the years after 1939, the historians calculate, the numbers in the Chikuho region swelled to over a million — their figure is 1,120,000 — although Tokyo's official government number is only 724,287.   The miners' task was to descend into difficult seams to dig coal shipped exclusively for military use.
They were paid a third less than equivalent Japanese laborers.   For the Koreans it amounted to about 50 yen a month, but less than 10 yen after mandatory confiscations for food, clothes, housing and enforced savings for unmarried workers.  
Young single men were thus fined to prevent them joining the large numbers that frequently escaped, but even then, the "savings" often remained unpaid and just missing from their pockets.   All workers toiled underground for 15-hour days, seven days a week, with no holidays at all.
Their "housing" was cramped and dirty dormitory huts with six to seven tiny rooms in each, and single men living and sleeping on one tatami mat, measuring three by six feet.   There was no heating and no running water.   Lavatories were in earthen pits.
Electrified barbed wire
A nine-foot high wooden fence topped with electrified barbed wire ringed the outside.   So they were prisoners, scrutinized by their keepers, the hated kempei-tai secret "thought" police who terrorized both Japan and its colonies during the fascist period.
But the kempei-tai did keep statistics, which the three historians obtained.   They found that in March of 1944, Aso mines had a total of 7,996 Korean laborers of whom 56 had recently died, and a staggering 4,919 had escaped.   Across the province of Fukuoka, the total fugitives amounted to 51.3 per cent but at Aso Mines it was 61.5 per cent because conditions there were "even worse", said Fukudome.
Most workers suffered malnutrition, as they received only a handful of rice a month supplemented by inferior cereals.   No meat was provided, for what is a more carnivorous people than the Japanese, who to this day prefer fish.
What of the dead?
In the Chikuho region, where the last Aso mine closed in the late 1960s, the Hoko Buddhist temple still stands.
Here a lonely priest tends hundreds of nameless graves where the remains of the dead Koreans lie.
Elsewhere hundreds more resting places are mostly unmarked, according to the historians.
But this is Confucian country, where the remains of ancestors is a deeply important matter.
It is here that international relations have intervened.
In 2004 the Seoul parliament voted unanimously, with one exception, to form the Truth Commission on Forced Mobilization
Under Japanese Imperialism, headed by its chairman, Dr Jeon Ki-ho, and composed of eight others, including two government ministers.
It began inquiries early last year and toured 234 cities in 16 Korean provinces to find survivors or their families, conducted hearings, and took evidence from many witnesses.
Atrocities
Dr Jeon also visited Japan to investigate and clarify what he boldly called its "atrocities".
In what at first appeared to be a political master stroke, the Koreans also reported that they had compiled a list of 2,600 Japanese companies that exploited forced Korean labor, and would have knowledge of the remains of those who died.  
One firm prominently on the list was Aso Mines, but the company has declined to answer the request.
A spokesman says only that the firm could not investigate the whereabouts of the remains, adding in what may have been an accidental truth, that "even if we could", the records were not available.
"There were dozens of mining companies in Kyushu at the time and all used forced labor," said spokesman Akira Fujimoto.
The commission, which is also investigating the scandal of "comfort women", the insulting euphemism that describes thousands of Asian women forced into sex slavery to service the imperial warriors of Japan's army, has yet to issue its promised report.
So far Japanese media have almost entirely ignored its proceedings.
Japan paid one per cent of Germany's disbursements
A major argument of those seeking redress from a shamefully reluctant Japan, is that while it has made numerous "apologies" of varying sincerity, none amounts to proper atonement.   And atonement includes financial compensation of which, it is estimated, Japan has paid one per cent of Germany's disbursements.
One example of a glib apology came from Taro Aso himself in December last year, on the 40th anniversary of normalization of diplomatic ties between Japan and South Korea.
He said: "Japan seriously takes to heart the sentiments of South Korean people involving the past and will sincerely deal with various issues originating from the past from a humanitarian standpoint.   We believe that in the process of making such efforts, mutual understanding and a relationship of trust for building a future-oriented Japan-South Korea relationship will be reinforced."
Note that this does not contain the all-important word "apology" and of course there is no mention of atonement or anything on the vital issue of reparations.   Here, the argument Japan uses constantly is that the normalization treaty signed in 1965 agreed on what was to be paid — a paltry $800m, but this was mainly for grants and low interest loans.   Nothing went to personal payments for injury or harm suffered.
Perhaps most important, in 1965 much knowledge about the extent of Japanese atrocities was still unknown.   Two examples: Neither its biological warfare attacks in China through its notorious Unit 731, nor the vast army of "comfort women" were public information then.
Meanwhile, the world is left with Japan's foreign minister and his "sincere dealings" over his nation's unresolved war crimes.
From his record there can be little expectation he will help to clear the shame.
He eagerly supports the Yasukuni war shrine visits in Tokyo that have caused severe disruptions to its foreign relations with China and the Koreas, in particular, since prime minister Junichiro Koizumi made his fifth trip there last October.  
Just the other day, Aso made this worse by urging the emperor to visit, something the imperial household has sensibly avoided since the 1970s.
Gods
What makes nonsense of claims by Aso and Koizumi is that they are just paying their respects to war dead, like a US president intoning a prayer at Arlington national cemetery.   However, Yasukuni shrine is shinto, so the souls of its 14 class A war criminals enshrined there are regarded as "kami", which means gods.
One is wartime premier General Hideki Tojo, who approved Unit 731 among other crimes, and another the general in charge at the Rape of Nanking, where in 1937 Japanese soldiers hideously butchered over 300,000 mainly civilian Chinese in a seven-week bestial rampage.
In the Beijing "normalization" talks with Japan, the People's Democratic Republic of Korea may well raise the question of the enforced laborers, while the Japanese emphasize the abductions.   Just two days before the talks began, its media identified a North Korean kidnapper wanted for extradition.   The war of propaganda continued.
But for any semblance of what is normal in our modern world — in a nation like Germany for instance — surely there are minimum requirements?
Would not one of these be a foreign minister with hands clean of vile associations with a war atrocity, especially one so dangerously close to another kind of abduction, but on a mass scale?
Tuesday, 31 January 2006
Japan FM backs down over shrine
The Yasukuni Shrine.

Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi has visited the shrine several times
Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi has visited the shrine several times
Japanese Foreign Minister Taro Aso has backtracked on his controversial call for the emperor to visit a war shrine despised by China and South Korea.
Mr Aso said the visit was impossible "under the current situation", but he hoped it would happen in the future.
The Yasukuni shrine, which honours 2.5m war dead, has been avoided by Japanese emperors ever since 14 top World War II criminals were enshrined there in 1978.
Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's visits have strained ties with China.
China cancelled a bilateral summit last month over the issue.
Visit 'desirable'
Mr Aso is seen as a contender to succeed Mr Koizumi when his term ends.
On Saturday he suggested Emperor Akihito should visit the Tokyo shrine because those who died in wars did so in honour of their emperor.
He had said: "From the viewpoint of the spirits of the war dead, they hailed 'Banzai' ['long life'] for the emperor.   None of them said, 'Long live the prime minister'.
"A visit by the emperor would be the best."
On Monday he qualified his comments.
"What I said was that I believed those who fell during the war would want that.   I never said I wanted His Majesty to visit the shrine under the current circumstances," Mr Aso told reporters.
"It is desirable if His Majesty, the symbol of the Japanese public, could go, but there are problems that have to be resolved.   There are various opinions.   We must think seriously about this issue."
WWII's Emperor Hirohito, in whose name Japanese soldiers fought and died, visited the Yasukuni shrine until war criminals tried at an allied tribunal - including hanged Prime Minister Hideki Tojo - were quietly enshrined there in 1978.
His son Emperor Akihito has also refrained from praying there since he was enthroned in 1989, unlike Mr Koizumi who has prayed at Yasukuni every year since taking office in April 2001.
Japan 9.0 Earthquake Tsunami Nuclear Plant destruction
March 2011
      MASSIVE NUCLEAR STORAGE DUMP       
       The mayor of Tsuruga City home of the trouble-plagued Monju plutonium-breeder reactor in Fukui Prefecture isn't buying Tokyo's weak explanation about the Fukushima 1 blast
       Fukushima No.2 plant, further south, is ringed by a wall of silence as a quiet evacuation is being conducted
       A specialist medical team from the Japan National Radiology Health Institute — flown by helicopter from Chiba to a field center 5 km from the No.1 Nuclear Plant — found radiation illness in 3 residents out of a sample group of 90.    Overnight that number of civilian-nuclear 'hibakusha' shot up to 19, but in other counts to 160
       MOX — plutonium and uranium      
       It is also the children of humans — and the babies — the smallest and most vulnerable of the human species      
       'Sorry! Sorry!' the son cries, wishing he could have saved his mother      
     Daughter holds hand of dead mother      
     buried in rubble where home used to be      
More than 80,000 human beings perished in Nagasaki three days after at least that many died in Hiroshima
The Bomb that destroyed this historic city was made of plutonium — Hiroshima atomic bomb was uranium
Whatever the case for bombing Hiroshima it was far weaker for Nagasaki

 
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